从社会结构力角度浅谈改革的性质--对趋于社会常态的政治、经济、文化资源的分配过程     

张景英 《平原大学学报》2004,21(4):59-62

当一种新的社会形态通过革命手段建立后，革命的性质决定了此时的社会形态必然是一元化的非常态社会。社会的政治、经济、化资源的分配处于单一集中的不平衡状态，大多数个人的基本利益得不到实现。改革就是要通过各种手段，进行社会资源的再分配，使享有社会资源的主体多元化，实现社会结构力的多向性，从而达到社会结构力的动态平衡，维护社会的良性运行和协调发展。  相似文献   

Valuation struggles over pricing – determining the worth of wind power     

Trine Pallesen 《Journal of Cultural Economy》2016,9(6):527-540

Public policies such as feed-in tariffs have been widely introduced to stimulate the development of renewable energies, and sustain a decarbonisation of the electricity sector. Proponents argue that these governance instruments safeguard public goods such as the climate – yet they are accused of creating political markets, and political prices, here understood as market distortion. This paper studies the ‘politics’ of pricing by following the adoption of the first feed-in tariff in France. Pricing as a way of achieving non-economic ends, such as climate mitigation, brings the values of several public goods into play, all the while prompting a translation of these values into a single price. Following the struggles over the pricing of wind power in the early 2000s, the study illustrates that rather than a pollution of the market sphere by that of politics, a politics of pricing can be observed in four distinct struggles: namely the framing of the public interest; valuation as the articulation of the future; the possible agencies of governance; and role of valuation methods and calculations.  相似文献   

试析我国司法独立理论与实践的偏差     

杨艳茹 《辽宁师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2002,25(3):10-12

司法独立是我国法制现代化历程进程中的关键问题。目前，虽然在理论上我国司法独立有宪法依据，但实践中面临着许多严峻问题，司法受到各方面干预而不能独立的现状已是不争的事实。造成这种状况的原因是多方面的；有领导体制和监督机制方面的原因；有司法自身方面的原因；有社会化方面的原因；有法律本身不完善方面的原因；有历史的和经济的方面原因。  相似文献   

民族因素与渤海政权的建立     

杨秀祖 《通化师范学院学报》2007,28(6):19-21

在渤海政权建立的过程中,民族因素发挥了不可替代的作用,高句丽文化特别是中原先进文化的强烈影响、契丹贵族发动的营州之乱、黑水靺鞨扩张势头的受挫、后突厥汗国崛起后对辽西走廊交通的控制,为渤海政权的建立创造了有利条件并提供了机会。  相似文献   

大学生择业法律意识淡漠的成因及对策     

申建英 《怀化学院学报》2006,25(7):152-153

面对就业市场的激烈竞争,大学生必须具备相应的择业意识才能在竞争中抓住机遇,顺利完成择业过程。但在择业过程中,由于大学生缺乏择业法律意识卷入了择业的劳动纠纷。从维权意识、契约意识、公民意识和对违法行为性质的认识四个角度对大学生的择业法律意识进行分析。  相似文献   

论执政党的社会影响力     

徐锋  李军 《临沂师范学院学报》2003,25(1):116-118

权力和权威是构成社会影响力的主体要件,凝聚力和吸引力是构成社会影响力的客观要件,不同价值观念与利益关系间碰擅与协调情况决定着社会影响力的实现程度。考察苏东剧变可知,执政地位的共产党之所以失去执政地位,主要原因在于没能实现由革命到建设的角色转换。中国共产党实现了角色转换,具有强大的社会影响力,但还必须按“三个代表”的要求,加强自身建设,正确对待群众、对待权力。  相似文献   

信息时代与高校德育工作     

杜兆鑫 《鸡西大学学报》2004,4(3):25-26

信息化时代，高校德育要不断创新发展，注重“道德力”的提高，注重培养大学生健全的人格，培养全面发展的具有丰满个性的高素质人才。  相似文献   

Performance differences when using 26- and 29-inch-wheel bikes in Swiss National Team cross-country mountain bikers     

Thomas Steiner  Beat Müller  Thomas Maier  Jon Peter Wehrlin 《Journal of sports sciences》2016,34(15):1438-1444

The purpose of this study was to analyse the effect of bike type – the 26-inch-wheel bike (26“ bike) and the 29-inch-wheel bike (29“ bike) – on performance in elite mountain bikers. Ten Swiss National Team athletes (seven males, three females) completed six trials with individual start on a simulated cross-country course with 35 min of active recovery between trials (three trials on a 26“ bike and three trials on a 29“ bike, alternate order, randomised start-bike). The course consisted of two separate sections expected to favour either the 29“ bike (section A) or the 26“ bike (section B). For each trial performance, power output, cadence and heart rate were recorded and athletes’ experiences were documented. Mean overall performance (time: 304 ± 27 s vs. 311 ± 29 s; P < 0.01) and performance in sections A (P < 0.001) and B (P < 0.05) were better when using the 29“ bike. No significant differences were observed for power output, cadence or heart rate. Athletes rated the 29“ bike as better for performance in general, passing obstacles and traction. The 29“ bike supports superior performance for elite mountain bikers, even on sections supposed to favour the 26“ bike.  相似文献   

‘The Sole Anti-Democratic Federation in the Entire Olympic Movement’: Early International Association of Athletics Federations Development Initiatives Between Commercialization and Democratization, 1974–1987     

Jörg Krieger 《国际体育史杂志》2016,33(12):1341-1360

Abstract

Studies on the development of Olympic Solidarity as a tool of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to enable National Olympic Committees of developing countries access to resources and influence in the Olympic Movement exist. However, historical scholarship has relatively neglected the development of aid programs by International Federations to explain how they made use of resources to gain influence in international sport politics. Based on extensive multi-national and multi-lingual archival research in the archives of the International Association of Athletics Federation (IAAF) and the German Sport University Cologne, this article explores the establishment and development of the IAAF‘s Technical Aid Program, which had been installed in 1974. Referencing a large amount of previously unknown protocols and written correspondence, the paper critically discusses the IAAF‘s development activities in light of two parallel occurring processes that shaped the federation’s character in the 1970s and 1980s decisively: its increasing commercialization and its path towards democratization in its voting system. It is argued that the IAAF development programs served as a tool to enforce commercial and sport political interests whilst the nature of support remained without clear guidance until the mid-1980s.  相似文献   

Cuba’s Challenges Hosting the 1991 Pan-American Games and the Spectacle of the Revolution’s ‘Soft Power’     

Thomas F. Carter 《国际体育史杂志》2016,33(1-2):186-202

Abstract

This paper examines the confluence of global, regional, and national politics in the lead up to the 1991 Pan-American Games hosted by Cuba. Cuba’s contentious selection as host was wholly underpinned by the international politics of the time. Once selected, the preparations for the Games in Havana were surrounded by an unprecedented domestic economic crisis fueled by shifts in global politics. This paper analyzes how international politics informed the hosting of the 1991 Pan-American Games, and shaped the political challenge the Cuban government faced in hosting such an event. The Revolution’s use of sport domestically and internationally came to the forefront in its efforts as host and the results of those efforts proved to be providential given the emerging political economic contexts during and in the ensuing years after the Games.  相似文献