What you wish for is not what you expect: Measuring hope for peace during intractable conflicts     

《Int J Intercult Relat》2017

Protracted intergroup conflicts, like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, are often referred to as intractable. Intractable conflicts are termed as such, partly because group members mired in these disputes believe that the conflict is inherently irreconcilable. To better understand the nature of the perceived irreconcilability of intractable conflicts, Jewish-Israelis’ hope for peace was surveyed capturing three interdependent but discrete components of hope: wish for peace, expectations that peace will materialize, and affective hopefulness. To operationalize peace, three definitions of peace, gradually refining from non-concrete to concrete, were offered to respondents (N = 120). Results reveal that expectations for peace among Jewish-Israelis are low but stable across the three definitions of peace while wishes for peace are higher, more dynamic and, for those with right-wing political orientation, highly dependent on the definition of peace provided. The more concrete the definition, the less rightists wish for peace. Further analysis shows that rightwing leaning respondents exhibit lower wishes for peace, even when the respondent is free to determine what peace might entail. By utilizing novel methods to detect nuances in the dynamics of hope and hopelessness, this study demonstrates that expectation for peace and wishes for peace function in distinct ways during protracted intergroup conflicts.  相似文献   

Women’s participation in academic conferences in Israel     

Devorah Eden 《Journal of Higher Education Policy & Management》2016,38(4):406-421

This article examines the participation of women in academic conferences in Israel, a country in which women are under-represented in academia vertically and horizontally. Data were retrieved from announcements of academic conferences in Israel, for one academic year, covering 56 conferences that attracted 997 participations. Participation was measured according to a three-level vertical hierarchy and a three-level horizontal divide that was based on academic discipline. Statistical z-tests and χ² tests were conducted to compare the proportions of male and female participation. Findings show that male participation in conferences was three times that of women. It was also found that the conferences reflected the social agenda in Israel. It is suggested that women are subjected to two forms of gender marginality, one stemming from the gendered division of labour and the other from the characteristics of the academic conferences that reflect the masculine military social agenda in Israel.  相似文献   

巴以冲突的民族和宗教根源     

任忠英 《渭南师范学院学报》2005,20(6):44-46

长期以来,巴以关系以冲突为主,矛盾、冲突、战争构成了巴以关系的主旋律。影响巴以冲突的因素错综复杂,而主要因素是巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人与犹太人之间因民族性和宗教信仰的差异所产生的矛盾,以及他们对民族家园的追求和保护。  相似文献   

Teacher autonomy within a flexible national curriculum: development of Shoah (holocaust) education in Israeli state schools     

Erik H. Cohen 《课程研究杂志》2016,48(2):167-191

This article considers the role of teacher agency and curricular flexibility as pedagogic features of Shoah education in Israeli state schools. The analysis is based on a recent national study which included a quantitative survey (questionnaires), qualitative methods (focus groups, interviews, observations) and a socio-historical review. As teaching of this subject has expanded in both religious and general streams of the Hebrew-language state school system, it has been addressed in diverse ways in terms of method, materials and content. Loosely defined requirements enable educators to be active agents in individualizing the curriculum. It is proposed that this is beneficial when addressing an inherently sensitive subject that is tied to teachers’ and students’ sense of identity and worldview. Implications of a new national curriculum for Shoah education are discussed. Relevance of teacher agency in Shoah education in other settings is considered.  相似文献   

以色列高校创业中心实施大众创业教育的方法及启示     

赵建华 《继续教育研究》2020,(2):44-47

以色列是成功实施大众创业教育的典型案例。以色列高校创业中心是以色列政府积极扶持发展的、为有意创业的群体提供早期系统支持的非营利性组织,其管理具有清晰的战略共识、支撑战略实施的组织架构、高素质专业化的指导教师队伍和政府实行有效监管等特点。通过分层级满足创业者的需求、开设专门的创业课程、强化创业实践训练、搭建关系网和商业资源等举措,帮助早期创业者提高创业成功的概率。借鉴以色列的经验,开启我国大众创业教育,需要明确教育的主体、积极发挥高校创业中心的作用、创新高校创业中心管理模式、着力提高大众创业教育的专业化水平。  相似文献   

以色列中小学教育投资研究   总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1  

邱兴 《外国教育研究》2006,33(5):52-55

以色列从建国起就形成了由中央政府、地方政府和社会共同承担教育投入的体制。在这个体制中,中小学教育投资占全社会教育投入的一半以上。其中,以色列中央政府对中小学教育的投入又占中小学教育投入的大部分。除此之外,以色列还通过立法等手段保证对中小学教育的投入。  相似文献   

Practical intelligence and elementary-school teacher effectiveness in the United States and Israel: Measuring the predictive power of tacit knowledge     

Elena L. Grigorenko  Robert J. Sternberg 《Thinking Skills and Creativity》2006,1(1):14-33

One important aspect of teacher effectiveness, of course, is formal knowledge of one or more academic disciplines. But another aspect of teacher effectiveness may be informal, or tacit knowledge of how to handle challenging situations, or even crises, that arise in the classroom. Tacit knowledge is what a person needs to know to succeed in an endeavor that is typically not explicitly taught and that often is not even verbalized. It is procedural knowledge, and thus is not just a static form of knowledge, but rather, knowledge in use. We constructed a measure of tacit knowledge for elementary-school teachers, in order to determine the teachers’ likely effectiveness in dealing with problematical classroom situations. In Study 1, our primary goal was to determine whether our measure predicted principals’ ratings of the teachers’ classroom performance as well as teachers’ ratings of their own effectiveness. We found that teachers who scored higher on our tacit-knowledge inventory generally were rated as more effective by their principals, but as less effective by themselves. In Study 2, we investigated whether responses to problematical situations that were viewed as better or worse, respectively, in the United States were also viewed as better or worse, respectively, in Israel. We found a high correlation between responses in the two countries. We concluded that it is possible to measure an important aspect of teacher effectiveness via a measure of tacit knowledge, and that comparable measurements may be possible across at least two cultures.  相似文献   

论以色列与联合国的关系     

王亚宁 《山西师大学报(社会科学版)》2006,33(2):128-131

以色列是通过联合国分治决议建立国家的,因此以色列与联合国的关系显得比较特殊。但是由于以色列和联合国在处理问题时的着眼点不同,所以以色列和联合国的关系既有积极合作的一面,又有不和谐的一面。以色列与联合国关系的特殊而复杂性,它既属于成员国与国际组织之间的关系,同时又含有很多特殊的关系成分。这种关系中既有特殊历史时期特殊历史事件的历史沉淀,又有新时期新形势下的现实矛盾的折射。在一定程度上,联合国催生了以色列国,而以色列国的建立却在一定程度上增加了联合国推动中东和平进程的难度。但是随着和平与发展潮流的逐渐强大,联合国在解决阿以冲突中的分量会不断提升,以色列与联合国之间就推动中东和平进程的利益将有所趋同。  相似文献   

De-arabization of the bedouin: A study of an inevitable failure     

Yossi Yonah  Ismael Abu-Saad  Avi Kaplan 《Interchange》2004,35(4):387-406

This paper offers an assessment of the efforts to de-Arabize the Bedouin Arab youth of the Negev. We show that despite the extensive efforts to achieve this goal, they have become pronouncedly alienated from the State of Israel, and are increasingly perceiving themselves as an integral part of Israel’s Palestinian Arab national minority. The findings of our research illustrate the futility of the policy to de-Arabize the Bedouin and to instill in them the unfounded belief that they are full and equal citizens of the State of Israel. We argue that the failure of the policy in this regard is inevitable primarily for the following reason: Israel’s national identity is constructed in a manner that leaves no room for Arab culture and heritage and this identity provided the legitimization for discriminatory policies against the Bedouin, as well as against other Arab groups. Thus, the shift toward Palestinian national and cultural identity found among Bedouin youth, can be partly explained as a result of their growing awareness of this political reality and their decreasing readiness to accept it. But then again, this shift is nothing but another manifestation, albeit a sobering one at that, of the challenge facing Zionist ideology since the pre-state era, more than 50 years ago. To put it succinctly, the challenge is this: if Israel aspires to be judged as a liberal democracy and to ensure its legitimacy and political stability, it must make significant changes in its basic governing principles. It must either incorporate the culture and collective aspirations of its Arab citizens within the national identity, and/or allow them some form of political autonomy.  相似文献   

Modern pedagogy,local concerns: the Junkyard on the kibbutz kindergarten     

Deborah Golden  Ora Aviezer  Yair Ziv 《Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education》2018,54(3):355-370

This paper focuses on the “Junkyard” (chatzar grutaot) – a unique educational environment and practice developed in kindergartens on the Israeli kibbutz in the 1940s and 1950s, and still in wide use today in kibbutz kindergartens. The Junkyard, consisting of artefacts of the adult world that are no longer in use, is an ever-changing set-up in which children’s free play is encouraged, with minimal rules for use of time, space, objects, and social relations. Anchored in the writings of its two founding educators, as well as in writings of and interviews with its advocates and instructors over the years, this paper shows how the Junkyard drew on widespread ideas about early childhood development and education, at the same time as it responded to local conditions and concerns. The paper argues that a unique conjunction of factors – material and structural, educational and pedagogical, ideological and cultural – facilitated the process by which the Junkyard was inserted relatively smoothly into the kibbutz educational landscape, in lasting ways.  相似文献