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Critical educational literature suggests that an increased reliance upon performative technologies is currently transforming the very foundations from which teacher subjectivities are constructed. Arguably though, the number of studies pointing to this risk or tendency is considerably larger than the ones theorising why this should be the case. Further, in those cases where the relationship between performative technologies and teacher subjectivities is theorised, the psychological mechanisms that the technologies appeal to are seldom brought to the fore. Based on this, the purpose of this article is to theorise the psychological mechanisms that performative technologies appeal to and work through, by means of identifying, systematising and elaborating extant understandings of such mechanisms in the critical educational literature. The results are presented in the form of a conceptual framework (referred to as the CMIS-framework) which suggests that one and the same performative technology may play many different roles, where each such role appeals to and works through a particular psychological mechanism. Importantly, depending on the type of psychological mechanism that is appealed to, the CMIS-framework suggests that this will lead to teachers (un)consciously conducting particular forms of subjectivising work upon themselves, here referred to as compliance, mirroring, identification and self-realisation (CMIS). 相似文献
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In 2004 the Dutch Ministry of Education, Culture and Science set a concrete target: by 2010, close to 50% of the age cohort should participate in higher education, following the targets set in the UK and Sweden. However clear the target is set, the ways to achieve it are far less specified. In the article a number of possible instruments to achieve the target are discussed and their relevance in the Dutch context is analysed. It is concluded that there are a limited number of policy instruments available. However, given the devolution of access policy to the higher education institutions and the influence of broader societal trends on participation our expectations on what government can do to reach its target need to be modest. 相似文献
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The aim of the present study was to examine the movement patterns, ball skills, and the impressions of Swedish elite football players during competitive games on artificial turf and natural grass. Time - motion analyses (36 observations) and technical analyses (16 team observations) were performed and 72 male and 21 female players completed a questionnaire. No differences were observed between artificial turf and natural grass in terms of total distance covered (mean 10.19 km, s = 0.19 vs. 10.33 km, s = 0.23), high-intensity running (1.86 km, s = 0.10 vs. 1.87 km, s = 0.14), number of sprints (21, s = 1 vs. 22, s = 2), standing tackles (10, s = 1 vs. 11, s = 1) or headers per game (8, s = 1 vs. 8, s = 1), whereas there were fewer sliding tackles (P < 0.05) on artificial turf than natural grass (2.1, s = 0.5 vs. 4.3, s = 0.6). There were more short passes (218, s = 14 vs. 167, s = 12) and midfield-to-midfield passes (148, s = 11 vs. 107, s = 8) (both P < 0.05) on artificial turf than natural grass. On a scale of 0-10, where 0 = "better than", 5 = "equal to", and 10 = "worse than", the male players reported a negative overall impression (8.3, s = 0.2), poorer ball control (7.3, s = 0.3), and greater physical effort (7.2, s = 0.2) on artificial turf than natural grass. In conclusion, the running activities and technical standard were similar during games on artificial turf and natural grass. However, fewer sliding tackles and more short passes were performed during games on artificial turf. The observed change in playing style could partly explain the male players' negative impression of artificial turf. 相似文献
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György Péteri 《Minerva》1996,34(4):367-380
Conclusions On the basis of these findings, I suggest that the structure and organisation of the field of Hungarian economics under state socialism should be described as a case of partitioned bureaucracy.9 The compromise between research economists and the political elite in the New Course era between 1953 and 195510 survived the post-1956 reaction in so far as political economy, with its predominantly legitimatory and ideological functions, remained partitioned from the other sectors in the field through the remainder of the state-socialist period. This secured considerable protection both for Marxist-Leninist political economy—which faced the destabilising effects of exposure to the findings of serious empirical research—and for the other sectors, which were professionally oriented and earnestly interested in the pursuit of unbiased empirical research, free from stifling agitprop interference. Our data concerning the reputational control of the field reflects only one, although very important, aspect of this partitioning. Another and much plainer aspect is that, from the early 1960s, the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the Central Committee no longer exercised control over the field, except in the political economy sector.The proposition about the mechanism paradigm should not be taken seriously as a statement of a Kuhnian type of intellectual organisation of Hungarian economics, with reform economics at its hard theoretical core. But it should certainly be taken seriously as a reflection of the sociopolitical structure which emerged and developed from the mid-1950s onwards. Neither the politicians nor the economists saw as necessary or even contemplated the integration of Hungarian economic research with Western mainstream economic thought. In exchange for the professional expertise and socio-economic intelligence necessary for the exercise of power, Hungary's state-socialist political class offered their economists relative autonomy and freedom from interference. The price the economists had to pay was partly to refrain from openly and systematically challenging the beliefs perpetuated by the political economy of socialism, and partly to accept in their research the paramountcy of policy orientation. But this burden they assumed willingly since it made them the only group within Hungary's academic intelligentsia—indeed, the only group in Hungarian society outside the political class—with the privilege of being coopted to the institutions with power over some restricted domains of policymaking. After 1989, especially under the conservative Antall government, this proved less than advantageous.11 Although the benevolence of many critics is open to question, it could greatly benefit the field if the economists' expulsion from contemporary politics went hand in hand with provision of the material, intellectual and institutional conditions for a new approach where a fundamentally scientific orientation is paramount. 相似文献
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Kellie St.Cyr Brisini Denise Haunani Solomon 《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2018,46(4):447-468
This study surveys transitions specific to parents of children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD), examines how aspects of relational turbulence vary based on the type of transition experienced, and explores the transition processing activities couples use to navigate marital transitions in this context. The study examined the transition experiences of 298 parents of children with ASD who were currently married. Participants detailed an important transition throughout the life span of their child with ASD using open-ended questions. They completed scales assessing qualities of the relationship during the transition and transition processing communication used to navigate the experience. Results demonstrate significant differences in experiences of relational turbulence based on the type of transition described. In particular, the initial diagnosis received the highest ratings for transition magnitude and relational turbulence compared to other common transitions. Engagement in transition processing communication predicted relational uncertainty and facilitation from a partner, which predicted relational turbulence. 相似文献