Student perceptions and instructional effectiveness of deaf and hearing teachers     

Roberson JL  Serwatka TS 《American annals of the deaf》2000,145(3):256-262

The study examined the views of deaf and hard of hearing secondary-level students when asked about their preferences for deaf vs. hearing teachers. It also compared elementary- and secondary-level students' achievement scores based on the hearing status of their teachers. Deaf and hard of hearing secondary-level students showed greater preference for deaf teachers, with deaf students showing greater preference for deaf teachers than hard of hearing students did. No significant differences were found in the achievement levels of students based on differences in teacher hearing status. The study supports the limited research done in the past.  相似文献   

Theme issue — The social observation tradition in British educational research     

Len Barton  Martin Lawn 《Interchange》1980,11(4):1-1

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An interview with Geoff Whitty & Michael Worton     

Len Barton  Stephen Rowland 《Teaching in Higher Education》2013,18(4):563-578

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Toward a Developmental Science of Politics     

Meagan M. Patterson  Rebecca S. Bigler  Erin Pahlke  Christia Spears Brown  Amy Roberson Hayes  M. Chantal Ramirez  Andrew Nelson 《Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development》2019,84(3):7-185

In this monograph, we argue for the establishment of a developmental science of politics that describes, explains, and predicts the formation and change of individuals’ political knowledge, attitudes, and behavior beginning in childhood and continuing across the life course. Reflecting our goal of contributing both theoretical conceptualizations and empirical data, we have organized the monograph into two broad sections. In the first section, we outline theoretical contributions that the study of politics may make to developmental science and provide practical reasons that empirical research in the domain of politics is important (e.g., for identifying ways to improve civics education and for encouraging higher voting rates among young adults). We also review major historical approaches to the study of political development and provide an integrative theoretical framework to ground future work. Drawing on Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems model as an organizing scheme and emphasizing social justice issues, we describe how factors rooted in cultural contexts, families, and children themselves are likely to shape political development. In the second section of the monograph, we argue for the importance and utility of studying major political events, such as presidential elections, and introduce the major themes, rationales, and hypotheses for a study of U.S. children's views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. In addition, we apply a social-justice lens to political thought and participation, addressing the role of gender/sex and race/ethnicity in children's political development broadly, and in their knowledge and views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election specifically. In interviews conducted within the month before and after the election, we examined two overarching categories of children's political attitudes: (a) knowledge, preferences, and expectations about the 2016 election, and (b) knowledge and attitudes concerning gender/sex and politics, particularly relevant for the 2016 election given Hillary Clinton's role as the first female major-party candidate for the presidency. Participants were 187 children (101 girls) between 5 and 11 years of age (M = 8.42 years, SD = 1.45 years). They were recruited from schools and youth organizations in five counties in four U.S. states (Kansas, Kentucky, Texas, and Washington) with varying voting patterns (e.g., Trump voters ranged from 27% to 71% of county voters). The sample was not a nationally representative one, but was racially diverse (35 African American, 50 Latinx, 81 White, and 21 multiracial, Asian American, Middle Eastern, or Native American children). In addition to several child characteristics (e.g., age, social dominance orientation [SDO]), we assessed several family and community characteristics (e.g., child-reported parental interest in the election and government-reported county-level voting patterns, respectively) hypothesized to predict outcome variables. Although our findings are shaped by the nature of our sample (e.g., our participants were less likely to support Trump than children in larger, nationwide samples were), they offer preliminary insights into children's political development. Overall, children in our sample were interested in and knowledgeable about the presidential election (e.g., a large majority identified the candidates correctly and reported some knowledge about their personal qualities or policy positions). They reported more information about Donald Trump's than Hillary Clinton's policies, largely accounted for by the substantial percentage of children (41%) who referred to Trump's immigration policies (e.g., building a wall between the United States and Mexico). Overall, children reported as many negative as positive personal qualities of the candidates, with negative qualities being reported more often for Trump than for Clinton (56% and 18% of children, respectively). Most children (88%) supported Clinton over Trump, a preference that did not vary by participants’ gender/sex or race/ethnicity. In their responses to an open-ended inquiry about their reactions to Trump's win, 63% of children reported negative and 18% reported positive emotions. Latinx children reacted more negatively to the election outcome than did White children. Girls’ and boys’ emotional responses to the election outcome did not differ. Children's personal interest in serving as U.S. president did not vary across gender/sex or racial/ethnic groups (overall, 42% were interested). Clinton's loss of the election did not appear to depress (or pique) girls’ interest in becoming U.S. president. With respect to the role of gender/sex in politics, many children (35%) were ignorant about women's absence from the U.S. presidency. Only a single child was able to name a historical individual who worked for women's civil rights or suffrage. Child characteristics predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, older children showed greater knowledge about the candidates than did younger children. Family and community characteristics also predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, participants were more likely to support Trump if they perceived that their parents supported him and if Trump received a greater percentage of votes in the children's county of residence. Our data suggest that civic education should be expanded and reformed. In addition to addressing societal problems requiring political solutions, civics lessons should include the histories of social groups’ political participation, including information about gender discrimination and the women's suffrage movement in U.S. political history. Providing children with environments that are rich in information related to the purpose and value of politics, and with opportunities and encouragement for political thought and action, is potentially beneficial for youth and their nations.  相似文献   

Making Sociologists Confess     

Martin Lawn  Len Barton 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》1985,6(1):117-121

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Classroom Management and Discipline: An Alternative Model to “Survival” Courses     

Len Cairns 《Asia-Pacific Journal of Teacher Education》1981,9(2):22-28

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Evaluation of the implementation, use and effects of a computerised management information system in English secondary schools     

Adrie Visscher  Phil Wild  Debbie Smith  Len Newton 《British journal of educational technology : journal of the Council for Educational Technology》2003,34(3):357-366

Very little empirical large-scale research has been carried out on the use of IT in the management and administration of schools despite of the fact that schools all over the world have adopted such IT based systems. The move in many countries towards autonomous school management will further require the use of these systems. Sophisticated computerised school information systems (SISs) will have to provide school-based information relevant to the development of policies in areas where schools used merely to follow governmental guidelines. If such systems are to be designed and used to full effect, knowledge is urgently needed on the implementation, use and effects of established computerised SISs. The large-scale research project in England, reported here, goes some way towards filling this gap in our knowledge.  相似文献   

The implications of Holland's constructs in the prediction of employment: A cautionary note     

Kris Magnusson  Len Stewin 《International journal for the advancement of counseling》1990,13(3):205-217

John Holland's model of vocational choice has been used for both individual and group career counselling, in a variety of social and cultural contexts. Typically, it is used to help people to make career decisions; however, Holland has also proposed that his model could be used for predicting the manner in which individuals would cope with unemployment and/or job change. In this paper, the authors present the results of a study assessing the validity of Holland's claims with respect to the efficacy of his theory in the prediction of job search success. The results of the study provided, at best, limited support for Holland's claims; most predictor/criteria combinations were found to have little or no relationship to each other. The authors conclude that the Holland model is of limited value for predicting job search success, and suggest the use of other data collection techniques for such purposes. The authors also recommend further research regarding the operationalization of Holland's constructs.  相似文献   

Learning to Teach and Assess Mathematics Using Multimedia: A Teacher Development Project     

Anthony Herrington  Jan Herrington  Len Sparrow  Ron Oliver 《Journal of Mathematics Teacher Education》1998,1(1):89-112

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‘WHAT DO YOU EXPECT OF THIS FRIEND?’     

Len Kuffert 《Media History》2013,19(3):303-319

In Canada during the pre-television era, the perception of radio as an intimate medium profoundly affected the way people ordered their listening, production, performance and discussion of programming. With evidence drawn primarily from Canadian archival sources, this paper contends that radio's perceived intimacy deeply troubled those who considered themselves responsible for the physical and cultural welfare of listeners, and that Canada's early broadcasting experience provided a particularly good example of how worry could become action. Though thinking about intimacy had helped broadcasters before the mid-1930s to understand the function of radio in relation to other media, it also led the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) after its formation in 1936 to scrutinize and control commercial and unsponsored programming, advertising and public service messages alike. The CBC's self-assigned stewardship role – a reaction to plentiful and popular American programming and an emulation of the British Broadcasting Corporation and European services – pushed it toward protecting children and other listeners thought to be gullible or sensitive from programmes that abused the intimate relationship by stepping beyond established boundaries of taste or threatening the Corporation's ‘civilizing’ role.  相似文献