Combinations of five methods of equating test forms and two methods of selecting samples of students for equating were compared for accuracy. The two sampling methods were representative sampling from the population and matching samples on the anchor test score. The equating methods were the Tucker, Levine equally reliable, chained equipercentile, frequency estimation, and item response theory (IRT) 3PL methods. The tests were the Verbal and Mathematical sections of the Scholastic Aptitude Test. The criteria for accuracy were measures of agreement with an equivalent-groups equating based on more than 115,000 students taking each form. Much of the inaccuracy in the equatings could be attributed to overall bias. The results for all equating methods in the matched samples were similar to those for the Tucker and frequency estimation methods in the representative samples; these equatings made too small an adjustment for the difference in the difficulty of the test forms. In the representative samples, the chained equipercentile method showed a much smaller bias. The IRT (3PL) and Levine methods tended to agree with each other and were inconsistent in the direction of their bias. 相似文献
Despite persistent class and race inequalities in educational attainment and achievement in the U.S., hegemonic cultural ideologies and urban education politics and policies continue to proceed from an insistence that education is the great equalizer. These ideologies do not take into account the ways that normative school culture and pedagogical praxes take for granted middle-class, white-supremacist cultural assumptions that privilege student populations whose social locations already probabilize high rates of achievement and attainment. Vast research published in The Urban Review and elsewhere has demonstrated the importance and efficacy of culturally sustaining pedagogy for improving outcomes for economically marginalized students of color (Allen in Urban Rev 47(1):209–231, 2015; Delpit in Harv Educ Rev 56(4):379–386, 1995; Farinde-Wu et al. in Urban Rev 49(2):279–299, 2017; Gay in culturally responsive teaching: theory, research, and practice, Teachers College Press, New York, 2010; Graves in Berkeley Rev Educ 5(1):5–32, 2014; Jemal in Urban Rev 49(4):602–626, 2017; Ladson-Billings in Crossing over to Canaan: the journey of new teachers in classrooms, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, 2001, The dreamkeepers: successful teachers of African American children, Jossey-Bass Publishers, San Francisco, 2009; Lee in Culture, literacy and learning: taking bloom in the midst of the whirlwind, Teachers College Press, New York, 2006; Marciano in Urban Rev 49(1):169–187, 2016; Nieto in Language, culture, and teaching: critical perspectives, Routledge, New York, 2010; Paris in Educ Res 41(3):93–97, 2012; Paris and Alim in Culturally sustaining pedagogies: teaching and learning for justice in a changing world, Teachers College Press, New York, 2017; Wiggan and Watson in Urban Rev 48(5):766–798, 2016; Yosso in Race Ethn Edu, 8(1):69–91, 2005). This article uses rich ethnographic data from a transfer school in Brooklyn, New York that serves financially insecure youth of color who are “over-age and under-credited.” These data and my analysis showcase the expertise and indigenous knowledges of teachers who practice cultural relevance and critical racial awareness in order to engage, retain, graduate and prepare students who are historically and presently marked for failure by an education system that has always been more adept at reproducing social inequality than disrupting it (Borck in Qual Inq 20(10):1–8, 2016).
