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This paper offers an assessment of the efforts to de-Arabize the Bedouin Arab youth of the Negev. We show that despite the
extensive efforts to achieve this goal, they have become pronouncedly alienated from the State of Israel, and are increasingly
perceiving themselves as an integral part of Israel’s Palestinian Arab national minority. The findings of our research illustrate
the futility of the policy to de-Arabize the Bedouin and to instill in them the unfounded belief that they are full and equal
citizens of the State of Israel. We argue that the failure of the policy in this regard is inevitable primarily for the following
reason: Israel’s national identity is constructed in a manner that leaves no room for Arab culture and heritage and this identity
provided the legitimization for discriminatory policies against the Bedouin, as well as against other Arab groups. Thus, the
shift toward Palestinian national and cultural identity found among Bedouin youth, can be partly explained as a result of
their growing awareness of this political reality and their decreasing readiness to accept it. But then again, this shift
is nothing but another manifestation, albeit a sobering one at that, of the challenge facing Zionist ideology since the pre-state
era, more than 50 years ago. To put it succinctly, the challenge is this: if Israel aspires to be judged as a liberal democracy
and to ensure its legitimacy and political stability, it must make significant changes in its basic governing principles.
It must either incorporate the culture and collective aspirations of its Arab citizens within the national identity, and/or
allow them some form of political autonomy. 相似文献
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Cultural pluralism and education: The Israeli case 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Yossi Yonah 《Interchange》1994,25(4):349-365
Israeli society is often viewed as a Western democracy committed to values characteristic of this type of political system. Cultural pluralism is one of these values. The purpose of this paper is to examine the place of this value in the context of Israeli society, and in particular in its educational system. The paper raises serious doubts about the commitment of Israeli society to the value of cultural pluralism, especially in the educational domain. It is argued that the guiding ideology of the Israeli educational system is that of nation building, which aspires to cultivate a shared system of national values and common culture and inculcate them in its school children, thus leaving little room for the value of cultural pluralism. Furthermore, it is argued that the proposed integrative national and cultural agenda leaves no room for Israeli Palestinians, and favours the culture and traditions of Jews of European and American origin and is biased against the cultures and traditions of Jews of Asian and African origin. 相似文献
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Khalid Arar Asmahan Masry-Harzalla Kussai Haj-Yehia 《Cambridge Journal of Education》2013,43(1):51-67
The article investigates the migration of Palestinian Muslim women, citizens of Israel, to the Hebrew University in Jerusalem or to Jordanian universities for academic studies, and the influence of this migration on their norms, behavior and identity. Narrative interviews were conducted with Palestinian Muslim women graduates: eight from the Hebrew University, Jerusalem and eight from Jordanian universities. Findings revealed that the women’s migration from their home communities to academic campuses involves issues of affiliation and identity; studies in Jordan constitute temporary cyclic emigration between two safe spaces, while studies in Jerusalem often involve alienation and foreignness. In both cases, higher education is a powerful force shaking up women’s lives. Following graduation, Hebrew University graduates remain in Jerusalem’s environs and migration to Jerusalem may become permanent. Higher education enables these women to engage with and confront identity issues, empowering them to reconsider their value and belief systems and relations with others. 相似文献
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Dag Tuastad 《国际体育史杂志》2014,31(14):1774-1788
In Jordan, national identity is composed of two sub-national identities: the Transjordanian identity of Jordan's indigenous inhabitants from east of the Jordan river, and the Palestinians originating in the west of the Jordan river. Historically, the Jordanian throne has maintained power through an alliance with the Transjordanians. As the majority of the Jordanians are of Palestinian origin, democratisation in Jordan would likely imply the Palestinians taking over the political momentum in the country. When unrest has erupted in Jordan, as during the democracy protests of the Arab Spring, this has on some occasions been labelled as threats to the national unity by the Jordanian monarchy. No one wants to return to the civil war of 1970. On the other hand, to avoid democratisation, the memory of the civil war must be sustained. Since the civil war, Jordan has had a history of ethnic-based football riots. These are reminders of the threats to stability, security and national unity. But as long as they are contained at the football stadiums, they serve the interests of political forces wanting to preserve power and political status quo. 相似文献
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Mental health problems are common in war-affected areas, but children have different levels of vulnerability. Based on ecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 2005), this study analyses how factors related to the child (cognitive capacity), their family (parental depression and parenting styles), and their school (teachers’ practices and peer relations) mediate the association between traumatic stress (traumatic war experiences and stressful life-events) and child mental health (posttraumatic stress and psychological distress symptoms). The participants were 303 Palestinian children (51.2% girls) of 10–13 years (M = 10.94 ± 0.50) and their parents from the Gaza Strip. The children filled in questionnaires during school classes and the parents did so at their homes. The results of structural equation modeling substantiated the hypothesis that parental depression, poor parenting and low-quality peer relations mediated between traumatic stress and children’s mental health problems. Contrary to the hypothesis, child-related factors did not mediate that association. To conclude, parents and peers provide important age-salient social resources for children in war conditions, and psychosocial interventions should therefore enhance their beneficial functions. 相似文献
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