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1.
Pedro Buendía 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2014,26(2):168-182
The history of ice in medieval Arab societies is obscured behind a mosaic of a variety of references and scholarly citations. Beyond al-Qalqashandī's reference to organised ice trafficking in fourteenth-century Mamluk Egypt, we do not have conclusive evidence on the origin and use of ice as a consumer product. In this paper we trace its presence based on three genres of references: historical and literary quotations, medicine and literature pertaining to food. These references allow us to consider the extent of ice consumption in the Arab world before the ninth century, as well as the existence of an organised trade throughout the Middle Ages from that time. However, contrary to the Persian world, with its well-documented Iranian yakhchals, we still know virtually nothing about ice-houses in medieval Arab societies. We also know very little about the profession of the thallāj or ice-seller, or whether the widespread consumption of ice that originated in Spain in the sixteenth century was in fact a legacy of an earlier trade in al-Andalus. 相似文献
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Markets in Tenth-Century al-Andalus and Volga Bulghāria: Contrasting Views of Trade in Muslim Europe
Florin Curta 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(3):305-330
There is a conspicuous absence of interest in markets and commercial activities in recent studies of al-Andalus. A similar problem existed in the Marxist historiography of commercial relations in Eastern Europe during the early Middle Ages. Although Soviet scholars initially downplayed trade in favour of agriculture and crafts, the explosion of archaeological research in key Bulghar centres, as well as the discovery of a number of sites that may be defined as emporia have dramatically changed both the terms of the discussion and the role of trade in studies of urbanisation and state formation. This may in turn provide inspiration for the study of trade in contemporary al-Andalus. Moreover, the recent emphasis on hydraulic archaeology and its role in explaining the extraordinary wealth of al-Andalus in the tenth and early eleventh centuries provides a useful background for a re-assessment of the question of trade in the westernmost region of medieval Islam. 相似文献
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While a great many studies have dealt with medieval poetry, they have failed to discuss the poetry of longing (?anīn) as a separate genre, independent of other genres, especially elegies (in particular poems that lament the fate of cities) and poems of salvation and lament. Nor has any study so far undertaken a comparison between works of this genre by Muslim and by Jewish poets.In this article, we shall discuss the growth of the poetry of longing in Muslim Spain and provide a number of examples of verses composed by Muslim and Jewish poets who were born in the cities of Andalusia and shared a common fate: many of them were persecuted for a variety of reasons and forced into a life of wandering and exile, and suffered banishment, imprisonment and torture. The ways they expressed their longing for their native cities possessed similarities but also differences, depending on the way each such poet perceived the land of the west and the scenes of his native city. The differences were particularly marked with respect to the way Jewish poets viewed the cities in which they had been born. 相似文献
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Nicola Clarke 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2016,28(1):67-83
ABSTRACTIn the medieval Islamic world, elite men were the benchmark of hegemonic masculinity and social power. A presumption of masculine authority within the household shaped the way early medieval rulers were described by chroniclers, and how medieval fathers related to their sons. The formal and informal ways in which they interacted with lower status men – whether their clients, their courtiers, or their sons – were hedged about with the symbolic language of gender. The article focuses on the ways in which certain Andalusī literary sources talk about relations of fathers and their sons with the ruling Umayyad family, to offer an additional dimension to our picture of how the dynasty conceptualised and legitimised its power. 相似文献
5.
Wim De Clercq Jonas Braekevelt Jaume Coll Conesa Hilmi Kaçar Josep Vicente Lerma Jan Dumolyn 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2015,27(2):153-171
Excavation of the mid-fifteenth-century castle of Pieter Bladelin, a high-ranking Burgundian official, in the village of Middelburg-in-Flanders, near Bruges (Belgium), has unearthed a remarkable series of blue and white painted and glazed floor tiles. Post-excavation archival and heraldic inquiries into the tiles has led to a deeper understanding of the role that gift exchange of luxury objects played within the diplomatic network of Alfonso V “the Magnanimous”, King of Aragon, and Philip “the Good”, Duke of Burgundy, in shaping a shared chivalric and crusading culture between Burgundy and Aragon. The study demonstrates the added value of the integration of archaeological and historical data in studying economic, political and cultural processes for the later medieval or early modern period. 相似文献
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Isabel O’connor 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2005,17(1):99-108
By the late thirteenth century the balance of power that had been established in the 1250s in the kingdom of Valencia between Christians and Muslims had been deeply altered. Christian demographic pressure resulted in increased encroachment of Mudejar privileges. At a time when their military leadership had left the kingdom, the Mudejars were forced to create a different apparatus to resist Christian abuse, especially from local officials. Thus, the Mudejars created an internal network of support that through legal and illegal channels, both at the individual and communal level, helped other Mudejars who were fleeing from the law. 相似文献
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Rodrigo García-Velasco Bernal 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2017,29(3):235-257
The early history of the Jewish and Muslim communities living under Christian rule in the Ebro Valleys tends to be overlooked in favour of the source-rich thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. However, the nature and organisation of these groups should not be taken as a constant, as they underwent a significant transformation over the course of the twelfth century. Through the case study of Tudela, this article proposes to re-examine the dynamics of administration and judicial practice that developed in the immediate aftermath of the Navarro-Aragonese conquest. This town has a rich corpus of charters that allows us to contrast the administrative layout enshrined in the franchise charters known as fueros with the legal practice reflected in some particular bilingual interlineated purchase-sale contracts. A comparison of both sets of documents emphasises the use of the fuero in inter-communal negotiation, both in framing encounters and in guaranteeing each group's autonomy, during a key period in the gestation of Jewish and Muslim administrative and judicial practices under Christian rule.Abbreviations: DAr = Mercedes García-Arenal, “Documentos árabes de Tudela Y Tarazona”, Al-Qan?ara: Revista de Estudios Árabes 3 (1982): 27–72; FdN = Luis Javier Fortún Pérez de Ciriza, “Colección de ‘fueros menores’ de Navarra y otros privilegios locales (I)”, Príncipe de Viana 165 (1982): 273–348 相似文献
10.
François Soyer 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2006,18(2):129-143
This article examines the social status of manumitted Muslim slaves in the Christian kingdoms of León, Castile and Portugal between 1100 and 1300. Modern historians had largely overlooked this social group of which very little is known. Using both law codes and other surviving Latin and Arabic documents from the period, the author examines the process of manumission. Emancipation did not mean complete freedom. A freedman emancipated conditionally could continue to be bound to serve his owner, depending on the particular terms of the contract. Furthermore, according to the legal codes, even if a freedman or freedwoman was manumitted unconditionally by his or her owner, they would continue to suffer legal disabilities due to their previous condition. The end result was that freedmen formed an intermediate social and legal category, no longer servile but neither completely free. 相似文献