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1.
村民选举权是法律赋予村民的一项基本民主权利。而村民委员会选举多数决制度在参与成员范围、决定程序和权利救济这三个方面侵犯了少数人选举权的实现,因此,需要构建一个机制来衡平选举多数决制度,如弱化户籍制度和宗族势力对村民选举权的影响,完善村民委员会选举监督机制和救济措施,这一方面能够制约多数人权利的行使,另一方面又能够保障少数人积极参与到村民委员会选举中去,从而实现村民民主自治。 相似文献
2.
To assess the relevance of the Public Library System in the political agenda, programs presented by the Political Parties competing in Regional and Local elections in the Spanish Region of Castilla-La Mancha were analyzed and the proposals about these library institutions were identified.
All Regional programs were collected and also an ample sample from the Municipalities for the 2007 and 2015 elections, trying to find the differences influenced by the impact of the financial crisis and recession on the public-library policies.
The conclusion arrived at was that, although the Public Libraries may be reasonably present in the studied programs, there is a low awareness by the Political Parties of the main problems. 相似文献
3.
我国选举制度改革三十年 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
改革开放三十年来,我国不断改革选举制度,制定了1979年选举法,并对其进行了四次重要修正。同时,还对村委会选举制度和党内选举制度进行了重大改革。通过改革,我国初步建立起具有中国特色的民主选举制度,对发展社会主义民主,建设政治文明,起到重要推动作用。 相似文献
4.
张世均 《西南师范大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2010,(4):181-184
孟加拉国的第九届议会选举在经历了两年多的艰难困境后,终于沿着民主政治的道路继续前行。从孟加拉国第九届议会选举看,孟加拉国政治发展具有民主政治继续推进、政党关注民生、朝野之间对立严重、执政党希冀合作等发展趋势。 相似文献
5.
Paul D'Angelo 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):295-310
This article develops a theoretical model consisting of three mechanisms that link metacoverage, a type of election campaign news, to mediatization, a meta-process in which media organizations influence politics. The mechanisms hinge on the point that metacoverage—consisting of both topics and frames—constitutes a rich set of process-oriented cues that influence how campaign organizations adjust to the media logic in the course of performing functions associated with the office-seeking political campaign logic. A case study of 2012 US presidential election news was conducted to illustrate how metacoverage influences campaign strategies. 相似文献
6.
《Critical Studies in Education》2013,54(2):129-144
This article aims to contribute to current debates about political power and agency relationships in education and other public sectors. In a recent clarion call for a major redirection of political principal–agent theories (PAT), Terry Moe has argued that standard information asymmetries ought no longer to be regarded as the sole foundation of bureaucrat power. According to Moe, current theories largely overlook the direct electoral power of agents and their unions (EPA) in voting for their own bureaucratic principals. Therefore, they are biased systematically towards underestimating agent power. We critically address both Moe's theoretical arguments, and his empirical applications to Californian school board elections. We conclude that Moe overestimates the power consequences of EPA on both counts. We outline a more balanced version of ‘multiple‐role’ PAT and of its potential implications for our understanding of the political power of public school teachers and bureaucrats more generally. 相似文献
7.
Ivor Gaber 《Journalism Practice》2018,12(8):1019-1028
The last two years have been times of turbulence for the BBC, and other broadcasters, in terms of their coverage of UK politics. Their reporting of the general elections of 2015 and 2017, of the 2016 European Union Referendum and the 2015 election of Jeremy Corbyn to the leadership of the Labour Party have been much criticised (as has that of other mainstream media outlets). And despite the rise of social media, the BBC remains the most used and most trusted source of news in the UK and hence is a vital element in the UK public sphere. Consequently, these journalistic failures—when its political coverage failed to reflect what turned out to be the reality on the ground - are particularly problematic. This brings into focus the issue of “the truth” in election and referendum campaigns. The example quoted here—about the Labour Party and antisemitism—illustrates the difficulties in arriving at the “truth”, even in the less frenetic atmosphere between campaigns. It demonstrates how there can be many truths and this, in itself, raises urgent questions about the nature of political journalism which pose challenges for public broadcasting in Britain with implications that go much wider. 相似文献
8.
While a good deal of research has examined the uses of Twitter in journalism, comparably few research projects employ comparative research designs in order to provide new insights. The present study details Twitter use by public service broadcasters (PSBs) during recent national elections in Norway and Sweden. Utilizing quantitative analysis of social media content in tandem with qualitative interviews with key PSB journalists, the main results indicate that while the PSB organizations—the Norwegian NRK and the Swedish SVT—are both frequently contacted by “regular” citizens on Twitter, they seem to prefer to retweet and interact with journalists, politicians or other “elite” users. Compared with the interviews performed, the study uncovers an interesting tension as journalists often talk about the need to engage with “regular” users—a practice that is arguably in line with PSB regulations, but that is seldom adhered to in the contexts studied here. 相似文献
9.
改革开放三十年来,我国不断改革选举制度,制定了1979年选举法,并对其进行了四次重要修正。同时,还对村委会选举制度和党内选举制度进行了重大改革。通过改革,我国初步建立起具有中国特色的民主选举制度,对发展社会主义民主,建设政治文明,起到重要推动作用。 相似文献
10.
徐瑞彬 《齐齐哈尔师范高等专科学校学报》2013,(5):14-15,64
台湾民进党在2008年的总统、立法大选中惨败,政权又重新回到长期执政的国民党手中。民进党失利的原因主要包括它在台湾政治中的反对党角色和它并没有履行削弱腐败、保持经济福利的竞选承诺,尤其是民进党一直追求台湾独立的政策是其败选的重要原因,因此,一个政党若要在台湾获得执政地位,必须要有效应对岛民的经济福利诉求,更重要的是它的政策必须能够保持台海地区稳定。 相似文献