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在19世纪中期的英国,报刊作为第四等级与其他三个等级抗衡的力量得以充分的彰显。那么,在当时人们的心目中,作为第四等级的报刊应当享有怎样的政治与社会地位?当报刊被赋予这样的地位时,人们期待它能够起什么样的作用并扮演什么样的角色?本文通过英国报刊史上若干篇重要文献,包括1852年《泰晤士报》的两篇社论、19世纪英国报刊史两部专著,以及1855年《泰晤士报》主笔瑞夫《报刊》一文等,分析了19世纪中期的英国报刊史学家以及报人们是怎样理解第四等级报刊观念的。 相似文献
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《期刊图书馆员》2013,64(2):87-94
The publication of Bulgarian serials (called "periodicals" in this article, using the historical Bulgarian term) began in 1844 with the appearance of Liuboslovie. From that time until the recent collapse of the Communist regime, the press has been subjected to censorship and repression, first by the Turkish overlords and later by several of the Bulgarian governments. This article, the first of two parts, focuses on the suppression of the periodical press following the rise of the Communist "people's democracy," which forced virtually all the periodicals that had been published in Bulgaria prior to that time to cease publication. The second part will be devoted to Bulgaria's new-found freedom of the press that has emerged following forty-five years of totalitarianism. 相似文献
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Chiung‐Wen Hsu 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):79-99
This study examines news reports of the US September 11 incidents in the Chinese and Taiwanese press. In the Chinese press, the party newspaper (People's Daily) and the new mass‐appeal tabloid (Nanfang Daily) were studied. In the Taiwanese press, the traditional top circulation newspaper (United Daily) and the emerging pro‐Taiwan independent newspaper (Liberty Times) were chosen. Based upon a content analysis of news reports, supplemented with Chinese and Taiwanese government documents, the study found that the Chinese and Taiwanese press tended to report the incident along with the government stances and each represented its own side even after the economic reform and ruling party shift. However, the mass‐appeal tabloid in China moved slightly toward the pattern found in capitalist countries, without violating the government policy severely. The pro‐Taiwan independent newspaper showed more loyalty to the ruling party, but both Taiwanese newspapers covered diverse topics apart from the government stance. To what degree did the press follow the government stances? This study provided the preliminary answer that business interests might influence the press not to follow completely the government stances. 相似文献
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Kyu Ho Youm 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):70-86
The press in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) is closely tied to its communist sociopolitical structures. The North Korean press finds its modus operandi in the ‘Soviet Communist’ theory for its relationship with its government. This study examines the press laws and regulations in North Korea, pursuing three questions: (1) What is the status of the press as a sociopolitical institution in North Korea?; (2) What is the constitutional and statutory scheme relating to press freedom in North Korea?; and (3) What is the impact of the statutory mechanisms on the press in North Korea? The press and other mass media in North Korea are totally controlled by the Korean Worker's Party. No dissenting voice is permitted in the news media. North Korea recognizes freedom of the press as a Constitutional right of their citizens. Nevertheless, there is a considerable disparity between the constitutional guarantee of press freedom and its practical application. In the name of ‘collective good’ as defined by President Kim II Sung and his party, the basic right to a free and independent press as understood in its libertarian sense is denied to North Koreans. While there are no separate specialized laws relating to the rights and/or responsibilities of the North Korean press, several indirect press laws are on the books. Nevertheless, it is doubtful whether they have any noticeable bearing upon the functions of the state‐controlled press. The impact of the statutes upon the North Korean press is negligible in that the press does not (or to be precise, need not) feel any statutory constraint. This is because there is no room for conflict between the North Korean press and law enforcement authorities. 相似文献
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Per Jørgen Ystehede 《Media History》2014,20(4):368-383
In Norway, one of the best examples for examining cultural narratives of murder is what is known as the Lensmannsmordersaken, i.e., ‘the case of the county police officers murder’. After summarising the key events of this sensational 1926 case, this article will consider its presentation in the Norwegian press, the impact of contemporary debates around the death penalty, the influence of scientific understandings of criminality, and the case's subsequent reimagining in literature and film. This article shows how inter-war criminalistic fantasies reflected a broad variety of fears, notably those related to ethnic otherness and anxieties related to Norway's then recent achievement of full political independence. A literary version of the case from the 1930s—one of Norway's first ‘true-crime’ novels—is also considered, as is a post-war feature film based on the murder that was banned (for privacy reasons) in 1952 and not released again until 2007. 相似文献
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Stefano Gambari 《Cataloging & classification quarterly》2013,51(5-6):455-486
AbstractThis article deals with the figure of Antonio Panizzi, considered as an Italian patriot and English librarian. It highlights the constant attention he devoted to the Italian political events throughout his life: from his arrival in London (1823) as a political exile, to his informal ambassador in United Kingdom, a role that allowed him to lobby the political class and the press on behalf of the cause of Italian patriots forced in the prisons of Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. The article describes the multifaceted library activity carried out by Panizzi at the British Library, of which he became Principal Librarian in 1856. Panizzi is considered to be the first Promethean Librarian of the 19th century, a great reformer with new ideas on library services, innovative methodologies, and working practices in librarianship. Panizzi rigorously carried out the activity of librarian at the British Library without ever forgetting the need for a free, unified, and democratic Italian state. 相似文献
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Graham Law 《Media History》2013,19(1):17-31
This article will examine the involvement of the Empire Press Union, including prominent early members like Lord Northcliffe and its founder Sir Harry Brittain, in the development of imperial air services as part of a larger ongoing study involving India, Australia and New Zealand. The main focus will be on the first three decades of the organization (1909–39) and on its regular conference activity which correspond with the pioneering period of aviation in Britain and in the antipodes. The press, as will be shown, had a commercial stake in the pioneer aviation story, while the Empire Press Union, for reasons to be outlined below, had a strong interest in Imperial Airways’ plans to develop the ‘longest air route in the world’ to that time. The focus of this analysis is inevitably limited: it does not, for example, deal with the ambitious British airship experiment which competed for funds and publicity with aviation, albeit with tragic outcomes. In contrast with the triumphalism of traditional communication and press narratives, it uncovers a complex faltering set of developments in which the Empire Press Union, both for altruistic and self-interested motives, played its part. In general terms, this involvement also serves to confirm that the Empire Press Union and its elaborate conferences paid increasing attention to new and emerging technologies like aviation and broadcasting in the interwar years. Moreover, this interest was not solely a response to the commercial challenges which such inventions posed to newspapers and print journalism; rather it reflected the willingness of the Press Union leadership, both in Britain and elsewhere, to harness such developments in the interests of speedier and cheaper imperial communications. 相似文献
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Jennifer Clare 《Publishing Research Quarterly》2014,30(2):195-211
The age of information has made university presses more important than ever before. The Internet has placed knowledge at our fingertips, but limited budgets and reluctance to embrace digital technologies have left many university publishers struggling to prove their worth rather than gathering and disseminating that knowledge. To demonstrate how a university publishing house can make it in this changing climate, this report will analyze the industry by using a specific publisher as an example, however this analysis can be applied to any small press. Pace University Press, an extremely small press, but one with the potential to survive and grow, can do so by implementing new practices in marketing, distribution, and digital content that will not only bring it into the twenty-first century, but ensure its continued role in the communication of scholars for years to come. These strategies can be beneficial to any university press. 相似文献
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《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(1):66-82
What factors predict listening to Limbaugh's program? Previous studies, many more than a decade old, analyze his audience at one or two data-points. This study differs from earlier studies of Limbaugh's audience in two ways: (1) the data come from six Times Mirror/Pew Research Center polls between July, 1994 and April–May, 2006, and (2) the paper focuses on the relationship between listening to Limbaugh and knowledge of public affairs. Conservative Republicans are in his audience, but educational attainment, family income, and race do not predict who listens. Listening to Limbaugh is significantly correlated with public affairs information. 相似文献
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《Journalism Practice》2013,7(2):279-294
This article outlines the rise of the radical agrarian Nonpartisan League (NPL) press in North Dakota, focusing on NPL editor Gerald P. Nye, who took his Prairie-based populist platform and constituents' post-World War I anti-British sentiments to Washington, DC. There he effectively opposed active US participation in European and Asian wars as a US senator from 1925 to 1941. The article explores the intersection of journalism and politics through the development of Nye's isolationist ideology as a rural newspaper editor and his rise as a powerful political ideologue and advocate in the Senate. 相似文献
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Albert N. Greco 《Publishing Research Quarterly》1988,3(4):34-53
In this article the author addresses the abandonment of the mid-list trade book market by commercial publishing houses and the development of that market niche by entrepreneurially oriented but beleagured university press directors in the 1970s. How many presses are issuing trade books? Hard statistical data is difficult to obtain. Yet a review of university press catalogues reveals a surge of interest in this book area. However, this niche does not belong exclusively to university presses. Intense competition is now surfacing from new, small but aggressive publishing houses interested in this market. This means that university press directors will be compelled to develop and utilize sophisticated marketing strategies if they plan to remain active and successful in this potentially lucrative but hotly contested market. 相似文献
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《Government Information Quarterly》2005,22(2):297-303
Risk management by itself is an inadequate rationale for enterprise-wide records management because it is essentially a defensive strategy. Beyond risk management, with electronic records management (ERM) fully implemented an enterprise can realize positive benefits and real cost savings to the information management of essential business functions in the enterprise. This article presents three case studies that illustrate the positive benefits of ERM to non-records management business functions within the context of enterprise content management systems. The article concludes with the argument that records management will not take its rightful place in enterprise information management until ERM is fully integrated within enterprise content management. 相似文献
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Stephanie E. Bor 《Media History》2013,19(4):464-478
This historical research describes the strategies used by the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and several other periodicals to discuss the incorporation of Lucille Ball's pregnancy into her television sitcom, I Love Lucy. This important media event occurred in the early 1950s and marked the first time that an image of pregnancy and childbirth would be depicted on national television. Although the inclusion of sexual content in the mass media was highly controversial at the time of Ball's pregnancy, this analysis concluded that the press was generally favorable in its treatment of the topic. Journalists highlighted the popularity of the event, praised I Love Lucy creators for their sensitive treatment of the topic, and drew comparisons between characters' on-screen and off-screen lives. This research elucidates the emergence of representations of pregnancy and childbirth on television that are now commonly featured in modern broadcast programming. 相似文献
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Matthew F. Jordan 《The Communication Review》2014,17(4):286-310
This article recounts the fight over public soundspace at Grand Central Terminal in 1949 after management began using Muzak, punctuated by commercial advertisements, to manage and monetize the soundscape. The public protests against these broadcasts in the press were followed by public hearings which weighed the commuter’s right to be left alone with his or her own thoughts against the company’s right broadcast sell the public soundspace. The author argue that this case, which was tied to a similar case before the Supreme Court, set a legal precedent allowing public soundspaces to be monetized in the same way as physical or visual spaces were, and set the stage for the ubiquitous engineering of public soundspaces that is the norm today. 相似文献
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Burton St. John III 《The Communication Review》2013,16(3):249-270
This article examines how two factors—journalism's professionalized vigilance against co-option and its difficulty differentiating social action communications from propaganda—led to many in the press attacking public journalism as propagandistic. Sociologist Alfred McClung Lee's mid-20th century writings provide fresh explanations for how press critics conflated public journalism with propaganda. Finally, this article maintains that newspapers can improve their pertinence in a new media age by better linking citizen voices into news stories. 相似文献
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乔治·莫理循是上世纪初来华的著名西方记者之一。身为《泰晤士报》驻华记者的莫理循不仅使该报在世界同行中独树一帜,他作为中华民国总统顾问的经历也令一批西方记者起而效仿。历史学家多肯定莫理循的辉煌业绩,但对其隐秘世界的发掘则颇显薄弱。本文根据大量史料披露1899年-1911年间莫理循与其中文助手白克豪斯、同行濮兰德之间的长达十年的纠葛争斗,以期从多个侧面展示莫理循的性格。 相似文献
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Rafael Chaiken 《Publishing Research Quarterly》2018,34(4):485-503
The tension between commerce and culture has long been recognized as characteristic of the publishing industry. Publishers seek to put forth quality works of cultural significance yet are constrained by the need to earn a profit. This article is a case study of how this conflict played out at a postwar New York City company, Storm Publishers. Storm was a one-person operation run by Alexander Gode-von Aesch, a German immigrant best known for his work as a linguist and translator. Gode founded the company in 1947 to publish The End Is Not Yet, a pacifist novel by the German playwright Fritz von Unruh. Storm went on to publish a diverse array of scholarly and trade books until it was dissolved in 1958. The article analyzes how Gode pursued a number of strategies—relying on personal connections, developing relationships with celebrities, purchasing advertisements, soliciting reviews, cutting costs, generating subsidiary rights income, and sheer tenacity and audacity—in order to compete with larger and more established Manhattan publishers. It argues Gode harbored a contradictory attitude toward the culture–commerce dichotomy, asserting that his aim was to distribute quality works that could not make a profit while at the same time publishing books aimed at bolstering his balance sheet and lamenting others’ lack of sales. As the first history of Storm Publishers, the article sheds light on the midcentury New York publishing industry and how a small firm sought to claim a place in the postwar intellectual economy. 相似文献
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Francescomaria Evangelisti 《Media History》2015,21(4):481-492
This article will discuss propaganda in the press used by the Italian fascist regime to create and disseminate a negative image of France and socialism. The ‘Paris, 1937’ exhibition represented a pretext for the Italian press to attack the Popular Front on both policy and competence. Manipulating information, the propaganda fabricated an idea of ‘otherness’, presenting France as the chaotic antithesis to the orderly Italian regime. France was presented as a country full of drunks and idlers, as a nation descending into chaos due to the social economic reforms of the Blum government; images that were juxtaposed with a state thriving under fascist corporatism. With the use of archive files and press-clippings, this work intends to illustrate the construction of stereotypes to feed the fear of socialism in Italy by the fascist press. 相似文献