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中美官方西藏主题新闻发布的政治修辞分析 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
本文以西藏民主改革50周年为研究主题,对2000年以来中美官方以西藏为主题发布的政治话语进行修辞分析。研究发现,中美两国官方对周年纪念的诠释,在纪念日的命名、隐喻的运用、话语的结构上均存在较大分歧。其中最值得关注的是,中国官方以经济发展为主线的农奴解放话语与美国官方以信仰自由为主线的被迫出走话语的对抗。西藏主题在西方以与中国几乎完全对抗的解读方式而流行,其修辞意义在于,所谓自由、信仰和被迫出走在西方具有相比于经济发展更为深厚的文化认同基础,而中国的农奴在西方的历史上甚至很难找到一个对应的概念指向。 相似文献
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政治修辞也是执政力,一定时期的政治修辞反映了执政者的执政能力和国家的文化软实力。中央新一届领导集体上任伊始,就在文风方面率先垂范,改进文风,务求实效,成为全党、全社会的共识。"改文风"是政治修辞主体对政治文化领导权的深刻认识与把握,是党对优良政治修辞传统的继承与发展,是对政治合法性的加强与提升,是政治修辞"框架"的重构,是一场政治修辞的"革命"。十八大以来,我国媒体在"改文风"上已经迈出坚实的一步,我党的执政力和国家软实力必将随着这场政治修辞的革命获得进一步的提升。 相似文献
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随着互联网技术的发展和网络的普及,政治传播的舞台不断向网络平台延伸,网络的政治传播作用得到了各国政府的重视。中美两国由于制度与国情的不同,在网络政治传播的表现方面也有较大的差异。本文讨论了网络环境下中美政治传播差异,并从政治制度、文化、新闻体制等方面思考这些差异存在的原因。 相似文献
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公文效用的发挥存在于传播过程中。就民国时期来说,公文传播具有宣传说服与政治教化、修辞行为与政治灌输、符号意义与政治认同等政治功能,皆为树立和巩固政治权威所服务。然而,民国特殊的国情决定了公文传播的政治功能效果明显但有限。 相似文献
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政治传播与政治象征理论评介 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
政治象征理论是传播学中的一个研究领域 ,形成于 2 0世纪 30 - 4 0年代 ,1980年后受到政治学界广泛关注 ,该理论综合了社会学、人类学、心理学等研究方法 ,对现代社会政治象征这一政治现象进行了多视角分析。本文对这一理论形成和发展的脉络进行了梳理 ,评价了其代表性学者的理论观点 ,以期拓宽中国政治传播学的研究视野。 相似文献
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网络政治是人们通过网络行使社会公共权力,参与政治生活的一种政治现象。本文分析网络政治对我国政治文化改革的影响,指出如何利用网络政治推动政治文化改革良性发展。 相似文献
7.
王辰瑶 《浙江传媒学院学报》2014,(2):22-26
研究毛泽东新闻作品的论文很多,绝大多数都将毛泽东的新闻作品视为新闻写作的典范,对其进行传统修辞技巧的分析。其实,毛泽东新闻作品的意义不在于新闻写作本身,而是应将其视为政治领袖通过公开媒体发声、进行广泛政治动员的话语实践。在媒体越来越重要的现代社会,这一话语类型理应得到更大的重视。借鉴英国"剑桥学派"代表人物昆廷·斯金纳的政治修辞理论,通过分析毛泽东"五评白皮书"的新闻评论文本,尝试总结出这一具有强大力量的系列新闻评论所采用的话语修辞方式。同时也说明,对于毛泽东新闻作品的研究完全有可能转换范式,进入到更加广阔的政治传播的研究领域。 相似文献
8.
介导信息处理的能力有限模型是一个信息处理模型.它直接适用于人脑对介导信息的处理方式的研究.该模型中有关“制造信息”、定向反应原理以及政治传播载体的内容信息与结构信息的阐述,对于政治传播中的“制造同意”理论的发展、电视新闻的政治修辞的改进以及各政治传播载体的政治传播效果的优化,具有启示与借鉴意义. 相似文献
9.
西方民主社会中有关请愿、选举宣传、犯罪等社会问题和政治运动的报道几乎不绝于报端。如果全面分析这些新闻报道文本,你或许就会发现,为什么数以千计的有关社会政治运动的报道却隐藏着几乎相同的主题结构,而且这些主题结构相对单一，并且二元对立，我们姑且谓之社会运动修辞中的神话主题。 相似文献
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群体政治心态为晚清政论报刊市场的产生、发展和分化整合提供了一条分析思路。甲午战后,社会各阶层政治情绪的激变成为晚清政论报刊时代形成的心理基础。阅读主体心态从求新求变到激进化、进而革命化,成为晚清政论报刊市场变化的心理机制。 相似文献
12.
Chang Sup Park 《Communication Studies》2019,70(3):253-276
Drawing on a national survey of 1,157 South Korean adults, the present study finds that social media use for political news is positively associated with knowledge about political issues, but not with knowledge about political processes. Professional media use for political news is significantly associated with both political issue knowledge and political process knowledge. The impact of social media for news on political issue knowledge increases with the additive role of professional media news use. This study also finds that political talk strengthens the positive association between social media use for news and political issue knowledge. 相似文献
13.
政治心态是分析清末政论报刊资本来源的视角之一。维新报刊与其所代表的阶级主体的游离,革命报刊与国内阶级主体的脱节,海外革命报刊资本募捐中的阶级错位,这些特征并不是对历史唯物主义的违背,它所突出的是政治心态在历史发展中的重要作用。社会群体的政治心态变化所形成的资本效应,展现出新闻事业阶级性历史生成的复杂过程。 相似文献
14.
Jeffrey W. Jarman 《Communication Research Reports》2016,33(1):9-15
Political fact-checking assumes that a rational public will use accurate information to update their opinions, especially on important issues of public policy and political campaigns. Current research on the effectiveness of fact-checking does not provide a clear conclusion. The purpose of this study was to examine the role of political affiliation and type of fact-check criticism (false/half-true) on evaluation of President Obama’s statement that immigration reform would not provide amnesty to undocumented persons living in the U.S. Results confirm differences for political affiliation and type of fact-check. 相似文献
15.
This study examines political and communicative factors predicting trust in mainstream newspapers and television by analyzing a set of survey data collected in South Korea. The results show that supporters of the opposition party are less likely to trust the mainstream news media than supporters of the ruling party. Daily Internet use negatively predicted trust in media only for nonpartisans. However, for supporters of the opposition party, daily Internet use moderated the interaction effect between political discussion and exposure to political news on trust in media. 相似文献
16.
This study, guided by family communication patterns theory, examined the role of family communication in political socialization. We tested whether certain communication styles were associated with higher levels of political similarity within the family. Additionally, the independent influences of the mother and father, as well as the direction of these influences, were considered. Results suggest that different communication styles are associated with higher levels of political similarity. Additionally, it was found that children were more likely to share their mothers' political attitudes than their fathers'. Explanations for these findings are discussed and implications focusing on the role of communication in the socialization literature are considered. 相似文献
17.
Stephen Gencarella Olbrys 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(5):390-408
Academic appraisals of Seinfeld frequently criticize the series as apolitical or as advancing a nihilism that threatens contemporary American society. I counter that the show is better understood as a political satire that advances a robust democratic discourse predicated on inefficiency, leisure, and excessive talk. I argue that Seinfeld's discourse provides a vision of hope for democratic interaction predicated on the commonality of vices rather than a collapse into fascism or the disciplining of rhetoric by presumably higher moral standards. 相似文献
18.
Michael W. Kearney 《Communication Research Reports》2017,34(2):106-114
Many have noted the immense potential of social media as a catalyst for political engagement. While we know a great deal about the people who use social media for politics, and even why they do it, we know very little about when, or under what conditions, political uses of social media actually occur. In this article I extend interpersonal goals theory to examine when political social media use happens. Results suggest that, above and beyond cognitive political engagement, interpersonal goals contribute significantly in explaining political behaviors on Facebook. I find that political posts entail greater affective and interaction-related risks than following political pages or updating one’s profile, while “liking” political posts affords users a low-cost/low-reward strategy for managing interactions. As such, this study provides evidence that political expression on Facebook takes several distinct forms. 相似文献
19.
媒体是否能促进民主、怎样的媒体才能促进民主,这样的问题作为政治传播宏观效果研究的核心问题是当代中国政治传播的研究重点。经典自由主义理论和"公共领域"理论是西方政治传播学在该问题上的两大最重要的理论资源,本文对其进行批判式评析,以期对当代中国的政治传播宏观效果研究有所启示。 相似文献
20.
Michael Serazio 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2016,33(2):181-194
The term “anti-establishment” has witnessed a revealing rise in recent American political discourse. Combining textual analysis of news coverage and speeches with in-depth interviews with dozens of consultants involved in the encoding of mediated political communication, this research analyzes and critiques its deployment and significance in Republican campaign messaging. Mapping the contours of this rhetorical strategy, a typology of four dimensions of tension emerges: insurrection versus order; populism versus insider power; real America versus elitism; and purity versus compromise. As an exercise in critical political communication, the argument concludes that “anti-establishment” rhetoric seeks to stoke and co-opt resentment while effacing powerful, privileged economic interests. 相似文献