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1.
19世纪中叶,美国已形成两党制的政治体制,资产阶级两大政党已无根本性的差异,因而资产阶级报纸的党派性也失去了其意义。从此开始了美国新闻学家所说的独立报业时期,报纸逐渐脱离党派控制,转化为商业性报纸,即所谓不隶属于任何党派的独立报纸。 美国报纸脱离政党过程早在19世纪30年代已开始。1833年创办的纽约《太阳报》宣布:“独立是我们的格言。”1835年创办的《纽约先驱报》宣布:“我们将不支持任何政党,不做任何集团的机关报。” 相似文献
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历史探源：党报及党报五性
党报系政党机关报的简称,也称“政党报纸”。广义上,所有政党或党派成员出版的用于宣传的报纸都是党报;狭义上,经过政党或派别的一定组织程序认定的党的报纸才是党报。党报是在资产阶级革命时期出现和发展起来的,成为资产阶级政党进行政治和思想斗争的重要舆论工具。据刘建明主编的《宣传舆论学大辞典》,1643年英国大革命中昙花一现的国会派和保皇派报纸,是近代党报的雏形。18世纪英国辉格党和托利党的报纸,是最早的党报。 相似文献
3.
中国近代民营报纸作为中国新闻事业的重要部分,不同于党派报纸:它们宣扬经济独立,不依靠任何党派,自负盈亏以保证自己的报道客观公正. 相似文献
4.
报纸是社会发展到一定阶段的产物,它产生于人们了解周围事变的需要.同时,报纸作为一种新闻媒介,又可以直接传布办报人所代表的集团或党派的政治主张.因此,政党出现以后,往往有意识地利用报纸这种传播新闻的定期出版物来进行宣传鼓动,争取更多的政治同情者,并把他们组织到一定的政治活动之中去.这种情形在阶级斗争激化的革命时期尤为明显,法国大革命(1789～1793)中就是如此.在震撼世界的法国大革命中,生机勃勃的新兴资产阶级的政党和集团非常重视利用报纸、期刊和小册子进行革命的政治宣传.仅首都巴黎一地就出有《人民 相似文献
5.
美国新闻业“客观性法则”的历史演进 总被引：9，自引：0，他引：9
在美国新闻界长期的业务实践中,“客观性法则”无疑是一种举足轻重的报道方针。作为美国新闻界长期标榜的信条,它早已不单是操作性的报道方式,而从实践中抽象出来,成为曾被认为是“发展于美国、奉献于世界”的新闻职业道德准则。由于这种立意甚高的价值观在美国新闻业中的重要地位,对其发展过程作一历史回顾,无疑具有积极意义。 一、19世纪30年代以前:“报道事实”的新闻标准在政党纷争中沦丧 作为英国的殖民地,发端之初的美国报纸是人们获取来自田园消息的重要渠道,尽量准确地提供事实是报 相似文献
6.
1776年，美国宣布独立建国。独立战争胜利后，美国资产阶级内部因政见分歧组成了不同的政党。政党的争论使报刊进入政党报刊时期，“报纸作为主要政党的机关报，它们的主要目的是讨论政治经济问题而不是刊登新闻，报纸反映并加剧了政党政治的恶斗”。 相似文献
7.
“新闻专业主义”对我国新闻业的参照意义 总被引：7，自引：0，他引：7
“新闻专业主义”的含义及其特征“新闻专业主义”是在美国政党报纸解体后在新闻界中发展起来的“公共服务”的信念,它是改良时代行政理性主义和专业中立主义总趋势的一个部分。新闻专业主义的目标是服务于全体人民,而不是某一利益团体。它最突出的特点,是对新闻客观性的信念,相信可以从非党派的、非团体的立场准确报道新闻事实。它的最高理想是传播真实、真相或真理。在实现媒介功能时,新闻专业主义有两个最主要的特征:中立性和客观性。新闻专业主义要求把关人在作必不可少的抉择时,按照“新闻价值”的中立标准进行取舍,当批评社会和国家时… 相似文献
8.
在传播技术和市场压力的影响下,美国的传统报纸媒体已经普遍建立了网站,并全面启动网络视频、博客、播客等新兴业务,从单一的印刷纸变成了多种不同信息载体的集群,在这一背景下,报纸编辑的工作方式必将做出新的调整。他山之石,可以攻玉,本文以此为基础,探讨了美国报纸编辑在报道突发事件时的策略变化,以期对国内媒体起借鉴作用。 相似文献
9.
克林顿的“拉链门”事件和近期的恐怖主义分子袭击美国等诸多事件向人们展示了网络对人类传播的非凡影响。一些学者认为网络时代已经到来，媒介走进交互阶段，这无疑给传统媒体以极大的冲击。但是至少在相当长的一段时间内，传统报纸将与网络媒体并行，它们将共荣且彼此竞争。这种共存及竞争的态势意味着网络时代传统报纸报道方式的走向与大众传播时代相比一定会有所变化，亦决定了这种变化势必会有两个趋势。 媒介融合趋势中 传统报纸报道方式的新发展 所谓报道模式“指在特定历史时期和特定社会背景下形成的新闻报道的价值取向、题材选择… 相似文献
10.
西方新闻报道文体在近代历史上已几经演进:政党报道;客观报道;解释性报道;精确新闻报道。这不仅仅是新闻界自身改革的产物,每种新闻报道文体后的社会大背景更对其有深刻的影响。其中,科技的发展对其演进起了推波助澜、不可低估的作用。我们以美国报纸新闻报道文体演进的历程为例加以分析。 相似文献
11.
Michael McCluskey Susan E. Stein Michael P. Boyle Douglas M. McLeod 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(3):353-371
Research on news coverage of social protest has yielded evidence of a “protest paradigm,” a framework of common news attributes that contribute to the marginalizing of protesters as social deviants. Analysis here investigates whether adherence to the protest paradigm varies by structural characteristics of the communities in which news organizations originate. More specifically, news organizations in less pluralistic communities may exhibit lower tolerance for social conflict than news organizations in more pluralistic communities. This research compares newspaper coverage of social protest from communities with varied levels of pluralism. Results showed that newspapers in less pluralistic communities were more critical of protesters when local government was the target and were less likely to quote protesters in stories. Further, newspapers in less pluralistic communities were more critical of protesters when stories were on the front page than those appearing elsewhere in the newspaper. Implications for understanding the protest paradigm and influences of community structure on news coverage patterns were explored. 相似文献
12.
This study examines political and communicative factors predicting trust in mainstream newspapers and television by analyzing a set of survey data collected in South Korea. The results show that supporters of the opposition party are less likely to trust the mainstream news media than supporters of the ruling party. Daily Internet use negatively predicted trust in media only for nonpartisans. However, for supporters of the opposition party, daily Internet use moderated the interaction effect between political discussion and exposure to political news on trust in media. 相似文献
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14.
Young Min PhD 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):192-204
The present study, as an international application of an agenda-setting model, investigates how campaign agendas of issues are constructed in an election. The Korean Congressional election of 2000 provided rich empirical data for this study; the political party agenda, the civic agenda, and the news agenda were measured in terms of issue salience at two different data points in time during the official campaign period. The results of the cross-lagged rank-order correlations between different agendas indicated the following. First, the party agenda as a whole had little impact on the formation of the news agenda. The party–news relationship, however, showed a different pattern at an individual newspaper level. Specifically, a more conservative newspaper was more susceptible to those parties’ agenda-setting than was its progressive rival. Second, a nationwide civic movement for political reforms slightly influenced the formation of the news agenda, especially that of the reformist newspaper agenda. Both newspapers, on the other hand, substantially influenced the civic campaign's issue emphases. Finally, there existed no significant interactions between the party and the civic agendas. 相似文献
15.
James A. Anderson 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):395-400
This systematic content analysis compares local coverage of Hispanic‐American news across newspapers, radio and television in Southwest cities with substantial Hispanic populations. Story prominence, Hispanic representation and content are examined. 相似文献
16.
This study examines how American newspapers made sense of the issue of fake news. By analysing newspaper editorials and considering the problem of fake news as a critical incident confronting journalism, this study found that news organizations in the US recognize fake news as a social problem while acknowledging the challenge in defining it. They generally considered fake news as a social media phenomenon thriving on political polarization driven by mostly ideological, but sometimes also financial, motivations. Therefore, they assigned blame for the rise of fake news to the current political environment, to technological platforms Google and Facebook, and to audiences. 相似文献
17.
Yung-I Liu Fei Shen William P. Eveland Jr. Ivan Dylko 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(5):713-737
Research has examined the relationship between traditional news media use and normatively important political outcomes such as knowledge and participation. However, most research fails to account for variations in the nature of news over time and across communities that could alter the fundamental relationship between exposure and these outcomes. Here two studies are presented—one with variation in news characteristics over time based on the American National Election Studies time series data and another with variation across local communities and newspapers within a single state during a single election year—to assess the hypothesis that the relationship between news use and political outcomes are moderated by natural variations in the nature of the news content and news outlets. 相似文献
18.
Rhoda Desbordes 《Media History》2013,19(2):121-139
This article proposes an approach to media imperialism from the telegraphic news agencies’ point of view. Since the mid-nineteenth century, in fact, Western imperial interests were reflected in the geographical expansion led by the first international news agencies. The War of the Pacific (1879–83) in South America provides an entry point for investigating both the notion of the British ‘informal empire’ and the role of the first telegraphic news agencies in the South American region. The history of the news agency business in the subcontinent from the 1850s onwards helps contextualize the conflict between the South American republics of Bolivia, Chile and Peru as news agencies, newspapers and other information practices of the time revealed this event in Europe and the rest of the world. By the end of the war, Reuters and Havas (the British and the French news agencies), numbered their own casualties as a consequence of their confrontation in an extra-European region. 相似文献
19.
Bordering on Empathy: The Effect of Selective Exposure and Border Residency on Immigration Attitudes
Two surveys, including an original survey and a survey containing substantial secondary data, found substantial links between party identity, selective media exposure and attitudes on immigration. Republicans were significantly more likely to segregate themselves to like-minded media and to avoid traditional objective sources like national and local newspapers, local and national broadcast television news. Border-state residency failed to moderate attitudes about immigration; differences were found between local and national media. Finally, Republican support for immigration fell between 2016 and 2018, after the election of President Trump. 相似文献
20.
Chiung‐Wen Hsu 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):79-99
This study examines news reports of the US September 11 incidents in the Chinese and Taiwanese press. In the Chinese press, the party newspaper (People's Daily) and the new mass‐appeal tabloid (Nanfang Daily) were studied. In the Taiwanese press, the traditional top circulation newspaper (United Daily) and the emerging pro‐Taiwan independent newspaper (Liberty Times) were chosen. Based upon a content analysis of news reports, supplemented with Chinese and Taiwanese government documents, the study found that the Chinese and Taiwanese press tended to report the incident along with the government stances and each represented its own side even after the economic reform and ruling party shift. However, the mass‐appeal tabloid in China moved slightly toward the pattern found in capitalist countries, without violating the government policy severely. The pro‐Taiwan independent newspaper showed more loyalty to the ruling party, but both Taiwanese newspapers covered diverse topics apart from the government stance. To what degree did the press follow the government stances? This study provided the preliminary answer that business interests might influence the press not to follow completely the government stances. 相似文献