共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 23 毫秒
1.
Exploring the micromotivations (Williams, 1979, 1988; Aguiar, 1991)or internal reasons (Williams, 1979; Lupia, McCubbins, & Popkin, 2000)that mold public preferences for either democracy or authoritarianism,this paper aims to discuss the types of rationality that liebehind people’s choices in survey studies in Latin America.From this perspective, we examine the balance between surveyrespondents’ evaluation of democratic government and theirviews of the efficacy of democracy to solve their country’sproblems, and their joint impact on the molding of citizens’preferences for a particular type of government. Results showthat satisfaction with how democratic government performs standsout as one of the reasons underlying individuals’ preferencesfor democracy. Also the belief that democracy does not solvethe problems significantly determines the people’s choice.Conclusions favor the hypothesis that, in the region, a utilitarianrationality prevails over an axiological rationality (Weber, 1922;Boudon, 1996) in the way citizens form preferences for or againstdemocracy. 相似文献
2.
In this section the International Journal of Public OpinionResearch reviews articles that have recently been publishedin peer-refereed journals and which broadly relate to the fieldof public opinion. The intention is not to give an exhaustiveoverview of a given study but rather to alert our readers tointeresting ideas and research in our field. For this issuethanks are due to Ken’ichi Ikeda (University of Tokyo)for help in compiling the reviews. Arai, Kiichiro (2006). A mechanism of political participation:Experience and evaluation. Review of Electoral Studies, 6, 5–24. This paper examines how citizens are engaged in political activities,with a focus on their experience of political participationand their evaluation of the experience. Using data from theJapanese Election and Democracy Study 2000 survey, an empiricalanalysis shows that people who positively evaluate their experienceof participating in political activity (such as helping election 相似文献
3.
Elina Lindgren 《Mass Communication and Society》2018,21(4):425-449
Parties often frame their election pledges with value-laden words such as freedom and equality, and it is well known that this can influence voters’ support for policies. However, research is not conclusive about why as of yet. This article adds to common explanations of value-framing effects by proposing a linguistic explanation to how citizens are influenced by value words in election pledges. Drawing on what linguistic theory says about persuasive words, this article hypothesizes that value-laden words elicit different beliefs about policy content, beyond what has actually been pledged. To support this assertion, a survey experiment (N = 739) shows that such words do provoke different beliefs about policies and that this, in turn, influences the extent to which individuals support the policies. The findings have implications for representative democracy, as they indicate that voters’ outspoken support for policy pledges do not necessarily reflect their true policy preferences. 相似文献
4.
Since their beginnings pre-election polls have been under attackfrom politicians and journalists. One of the most fundamentalcriticisms of polls is that they can influence the outcome ofelections. This article investigates news media reporting ofpoll results and comments on public opinion research beforeFederal elections in Germany. It presents empirical findingsfor the quantity as well as the formal and substantial qualityof this press coverage. The database is a content analysis of443 pre-election poll articles published in Germany's leadingdailies Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ), Frankfurter Rundschau(FR), Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ), and Die Welt (Welt) between1980 and 1994. The quantity of news media reporting of publicopinion polls has improved over the years. Now, poll storiesare a standard feature of German newspapers. The frequency ofreports depends on the conditions of each election—e.g.on the expected closeness of the election outcome. The formalquality could be better—that is the conformity to AAPORstandards. Horse-race journalism isn't found as often as inthe USA. Journalists often use poll results to predict an electionoutcome. Moreover, the analysis revealed an ambivalent relationshipbetween liberal journalists and polls, while the reporting ofconservative journalists is more in favor of opinion research. 相似文献
5.
During the rewriting of its program in the early 1980s, theRassemblement pour la République (RPR) carried out anumber of opinion surveys. The person in charge of this wasnot a member of the inner leadership circle; he warned the partyleader, Jacques Chirac, that themes forming a coherent ‘liberal’program for the transformation of the relationship between citizens,state, and the economy, were not popular with public opinion,which remained attached to progressive taxation and a comprehensivesocial welfare system. The party leadership ignored these warnings.Rather than attempting to align their policies with voter aspirations,their principal use of political communications techniques aimedat improving their leader's image. The person in charge of thiswork was a stranger to politics whose understanding of the waycultural or political attitudes are changed led him to interpretvery fatalistically the chances of influencing election outcomesby communications techniques. His methods were treated withfrank skepticism by party communications colleagues, his client'spersonality was particularly unamenable to his efforts, andhis one successful initiative—the rejuvenation of theexecutive committee—was operated at the cost of a rowin the party. In the case of the RPR, opinion research seemsto have played no role at all in an important party policy review,the causes of which should be sought elsewhere. 相似文献
6.
This paper investigates Labor's victory at the 1993 AustralianFederal election. In the aftermath of the election a varietyof explanations emerged endeavoring to account for the result.From these explanations factors claimed as important are investigatedfor their influence on vote choice and importantly their contributionto the parties' shares of the vote. Confirming aspects of someof the explanations, the factors which gave the ALP the greatestbenefits were the opposition's proposed goods and services tax,and the medicare and health, and industrial relations issues.The coalition benefited from Labor's employment record, theeconomic management issue, and from the belief that it was timeto change government. This study demonstrates that careful analysisof survey data can provide accurate and detailed accounts ofelection outcomes. We discuss how explanations of election outcomesin general can be improved and the implications of the study'sfindings for the next election. 相似文献
7.
The 1988 American election witnessed a vote for the status quoand divided government, as the Republicans retained the WhiteHouse and the Democrats triumphed for Congressional and stateoffices. The best explanation is that peace and prosperity leftmost Americans satisfied with the kind of government they havehad for the past eight years. Basically the same factors that have correlated with votingDemocratic or Republican since 1934 did so in 1988, with theexception of the White South, which started a movement awayfrom the Democrats in 1948 when Harry Truman ran on a civilrights background, and gradually moved over to overwhelmingsupport for the Republicans. A gender gap, with women votingdisproportionately Democratic also opened in 1980 and has continuedthrough 1988. It seemingly reflects feminists' concerns, sinceworking and single women go Democratic, while ‘homemakers’are much more Republican. The election results point up the existence of two majorities,a Republican presidential one which reflects the identificationof Democratic nominees with permissive liberalism, rejectedby most Americans, and a Democratic one for the other officers,which is related to legislators supporting the interests andvalues of their constituents, the majority of whom favor a governmentwhich is helpful to the underprivileged and to people like themselves. 相似文献
8.
Based on interviews with political party officials and journalistsas well as a content analysis of election poll stories, thispaper discusses opinion polling in Ghana's emerging democracy.Highlighted in the discussion are the relevance of surveyingpublic opinion in a neo-democracy and the journalistic reportingof poll results. The paper describes the surveying of publicopinion in a political climate in transition from long historicalexperience of authoritarianism and dictatorship including aperiod of a ‘culture of silence’, to freedom ofexpression, as a challenge. In an examination of local ‘polls’conducted by newspapers during the 1996 presidential and parliamentaryelections, it characterizes those exercises as unscientificand inaccurate. Technical details about surveys were mostlymissing in the stories, suggesting lack of poll reporting knowledgeamong journalists as a major challenge. There is an attemptto address these challenges for the purpose of strengtheningthe enabling role of political polling and journalistic reportingof poll results in Ghana's new democracy. Adequate responsesto these challenges would, it is proposed, contribute to a scientificand an objective assessment of issues in political decision–makingincluding measuring voter support for political parties andcandidates. 相似文献
9.
《Government Information Quarterly》2021,38(4):101598
The literature dealing with undecided voters – a growing group of citizens in many democracies that can determine who wins in election campaigns – suggests two very different profiles. The first approach describes undecided voters as being generally uninformed about politics, while the second sees undecideds as sophisticated citizens who follow a campaign closely before making their final voting decision. The current study tries to make sense of this contrast, while examining differences between sophisticated and less sophisticated undecideds (their level of sophistication was based on their political interest and knowledge). Using two panel surveys, conducted before and after the April 2019 elections in Israel (N = 1427; N = 912), we examine a number of hypotheses about differences in terms of the undecided citizens' demographic backgrounds, how they search for political information during the election campaign, how they come to make their final decisions, and whether they ended up voting. The findings indicate that the typical sophisticated undecided voter is a citizen from a more privileged social background, exhibits greater trust in traditional media, consumes more news to follow the campaign (from various traditional news outlets and social media), is more likely to carry out online discussions about the elections, is more likely to base his or her decision on policy issues, is more likely to debate between parties within the same ideological camp (internal floater), and more likely to vote than less sophisticated undecided voters. Our typology, which makes a distinction between sophisticated and less sophisticated undecided voters, as well as these findings (and the comparison to the committed voters), can help political scientists and practitioners widen their understanding regarding this important group of voters in todays' complex political reality. 相似文献
10.
In 1997, the British Crown Colony Hong Kong will become a specialadministrative region of the People's Republic of China (PRC).Very recent public opinion polls show that the majority of thepopulation in Hong Kong does not approve of this agreement negotiatedbetween the Chinese and the British governments. Instead, arelative majority of the respondents would prefer to maintainthe status quo. Moreover, twelve per cent of the populationanticipates today not to be living in Hong Kong in the year1997. This figure corresponded to a net outflow of no less than670,000 people, of whom a great deal will belong to those whocontribute to Hong Kong's business and workforce éliteof today. 相似文献
11.
《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):541-555
This article presents a content analysis of 93 televised adwatches that appeared on ABC, NBC, and CBS network evening news programs during either the 1996 presidential primary (n = 40) or general election campaign (n = 53). Since the media's role in a democracy often is highlighted by its responsibility to provide citizens with information needed to make informed and rational decisions, this article analyzes political adwatches in regard to the social responsibility theory of the press. Findings indicate that CBS Evening News journalists did a better job at incorporating adwatch recommendations suggested by academicians to improve voter understanding about potentially misleading advertising con tent. However, content analysis of 298 primary and general election presidential candidate ads revealed that television journalists did not identify or discuss ethically suspect technological manipulations present in a large percentage of the 1996 spots. 相似文献
12.
The role of the press as a political watchdog is crucial to the functioning of democracy. Especially in the run-up to elections, voters depend on the media's presentation of parties and candidates to make informed, responsible choices at the ballot box. But who, then, influences the news media? Empirical evidence in the United States and Europe suggests that political party campaigns and election coverage in the news media are interconnected and influence each other. This study tests whether such agenda-setting effects between party campaigns and the media also take place in the general elections in the world's largest democracy, India. India's western-type political system has a distinct media system characterized by high competition, diversification, non-consolidation and formal and informal ties between the media, commercial interests and political actors. Content analysis and Granger's causality test of newspaper coverage (N?=?716) and party campaign messages (N?=?458) found that agenda-setting effects do occur in India, but are largely bi-directional. We also found an overwhelming focus of both newspapers’ election coverage and of all major party campaigns on one single candidate, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s Narendra Modi. This, we argue, is a result of the broader trends that have shaped Indian politics in recent years. The significant correlations and non-significant causal effects between party campaign and media coverage also indicate a trade-off situation between political power negotiation and political balance in the press. 相似文献
13.
Current Critical Problems in Agenda-Setting Research 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
After experiencing steady development over the past three decades,agenda-setting research appears to be in a period of flux. Thispaper discusses three current and critical problems that agenda-settingresearch has been facing recently: the problems of process,identity, and environment. These problems are critical becauseeach has implications that might call into question the valueof agenda-setting theory. The process problem concerns the natureof the agenda-setting process, specifically, the degree to whichthe agenda-setting process is automatic and unthinking. Theidentity problem asks whether the new concept of attribute agendasetting will become indistinguishable from framing or traditionalpersuasion research. The environment problem asks if the developmentof communication technology and the subsequent growth in thenumber and variety of news outlets will minimize the impactof media agenda setting at the social level, leading to fragmentationof the public agenda. After examining each of the problems,I suggest that the agenda-setting perspective is still worthpursuing, and I present an agenda that agenda-setting researchshould address for its future development. 相似文献
14.
《Qualitative Research Reports in Communication》2013,14(1):38-45
The purpose of this study was to learn why Minnesota residents participated in the presidential caucus on Super Tuesday, February 5, 2008. The research team interviewed a total of 37 registered Republican (n = 15) and Democrat (n = 22) Minnesota voters from a mid-sized Midwestern community on caucus night. Open-ended, semi-structured interviews elicited the reasons voters said they participated in the caucus. Using grounded theory, several categories of responses emerged from data including duty and responsibility, making a difference, special election, participation, supporting a candidate, and concern for the country. The results show the majority of participants were motivated to take part because they viewed it as a duty and a responsibility as citizens of a democracy. Participants did not use the caucus as a forum for discussion and dialogue surrounding the election, but as an outlet to achieve political efficacy. 相似文献
15.
Mirroring governance: archives,inventories and political knowledge in early modern Switzerland and Europe 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
Randolph C. Head 《Archival Science》2007,7(4):317-329
The comparative study of archival inventories in early modern Switzerland reveals that three major regimes of inventorying
logic emerged from the late fifteenth to the early eighteenth century. Early inventories constructed as lists gave way first
to ideal-topographical inventories that relied on a double mapping of conceptual spaces against archival space and inventory
pages, succeeded eventually by taxonomic inventories oriented around an active state apparatus and its needs. Synchronic and
diachronic comparisons that focus on major reorganizations have proven effective in illustrating the scope and effectiveness
of each of the successive regimes. A similar approach applied to major inventory projects across early modern Europe may identify
further systems for making accumulating documents accessible to rulers, and may also allow us to trace genealogies of inventory
practice regimes as they appeared in different regions, at different scales, and in diverse political contexts.
Randolph C. Head has been a professor of History at the University of California, Riverside, since 1992, after studies at Harvard and the University of Virginia. His areas of research include the political culture of early modern Europe, the history of democracy, and religious coexistence before and after the Protestant Reformation. His current project on archival inventories in early modern Europe grew out of his interest in the origins and articulation of political knowledge and institutional culture in early modern Switzerland. 相似文献
| Randolph C. HeadEmail: |
Randolph C. Head has been a professor of History at the University of California, Riverside, since 1992, after studies at Harvard and the University of Virginia. His areas of research include the political culture of early modern Europe, the history of democracy, and religious coexistence before and after the Protestant Reformation. His current project on archival inventories in early modern Europe grew out of his interest in the origins and articulation of political knowledge and institutional culture in early modern Switzerland. 相似文献
16.
The Media and Economic Voting in Israel 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
The premise of the economic voting hypothesis is that citizensvote for the government if the national economy is doing well;otherwise, they vote against it. The causal chain of effectsin the economic voting hypothesis starts from the objectiveeconomic indicators, moves on to voter perceptions of the economy,and then to the vote. Under the competence hypothesis that isanalyzed here, this causal chain is slightly modified, withthe objective economy as the first step, voter perceptions ofthe economic competence of the government as the second step,and then the vote. It is argued that citizens learn about thestate of the national economy mainly from the media. Yet, onlyfew studies of economic voting include empirical analyses ofthe media's role in it. The findings support the competencehypothesis and the important role of the media in it. They underlinethe valuable contribution of media effects theories, and especiallymedia framing and priming, to our understanding of economicvoting. 相似文献
17.
Hiding in plain sight: Paratextual utterances as tools for information-related research and practice
Through a qualitative content analysis of a purposive sample (the 2010 finalists of the Canadian Governor General's Literary Awards in both French and English), this study investigates what information can be gleaned from the book-as-object using peritext as a research tool. Using the theories of Gérard Genette, who defined the paratext, and Pierre Bourdieu, this research posits that paratextual utterances serve as an expression and tool of the cultural realm of publication and can be used for informational purposes in library and information science (LIS) research and practice. Findings indicate that the peritext is a rich source for gathering information about authorship and publishing as it reveals contextually relevant information, shares the author's informational tools, constructs the author, markets titles, and provides relevant information for specific age groups and genres. Discussion centers on the impact for libraries and the LIS community, with a focus on readers' advisory. 相似文献
18.
This research examines how TV reported the campaign and the candidates during Taiwan's first‐ever presidential election in 1996. A content analysis of evening news coverage of six TV stations indicated that the state‐owned broadcast TV stations were far more likely than the privately owned cable TV stations to give a greater amount of coverage and soundbites to the ruling party presidential and vice presidential candidates, using the ruling party officials as principal news sources. The TV Stations’ coverage also contained more news favourable to the ruling party candidates than to other candidates. The future may well see a turning point in TV election coverage as well as in general news coverage in Taiwan. The three state‐owned broadcast TV stations face competition from privately owned cable TV stations and may soon be confronted with the loss of public trust and audience, unless they can provide fair and balanced news free from government control. 相似文献
19.
Does perceived disagreement in political discussion help orhinder citizens’ political participation? Some argue thatdisagreement prompts reflection, perspective-taking, and tolerance.Challengers argue that disagreement fosters ambivalence andhinders participatory activities and turnout. One seminal studythat tackled this dilemma formulated the ‘cross-pressures’hypothesis (Lazarsfeld, Berelson, & Gaudet, 1944/1968),which posited that the more individuals are betwixt and betweenconflicting social positions, the longer the time for theirvote intention to crystallize (and the lower the likelihoodthey would vote). This paper offers a critique and refinementof the cross-pressures hypothesis. First, previous studies confoundedintra-individual and structural sources of cross-pressures.Second, past operationalizations of exposure to disagreementfocused on the sheer amount of opposition to the individual’spoint of view, rather than his or her exposure to two conflictingpoints of view. A new measure—network ambivalence—isproposed to capture the latter dynamic. Conceptual and methodologicalrefinements of the cross-pressures hypothesis are tested ona representative sample of voting-age respondents in the UnitedStates, interviewed on the American National Election Study2000 panel (N=1,555). Results suggest that not only were thesepressures hardly detrimental to participation, but they alsofacilitated the formation of considered electoral preferences. 相似文献
20.
From work to text to document 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：0
David Beard 《Archival Science》2008,8(3):217-226
The defining trope for the humanities in the last 30 years has been typified by the move from “work” to “text.” The signature text defining this move has been Roland Barthes seminal essay, “From Work to Text.” But the current move
in library, archival and information studies toward the “document” as the key term offers challenges for contemporary humanities research. In making our own movement from work to text to document, we can explicate fully the complexity of conducting archival humanistic research within disciplinary and institutional contexts
in the twenty-first century. This essay calls for a complex perspective, one that demands that we understand the raw materials
of scholarship are processed by disciplines, by institutions, and by the work of the scholar. When we understand our materials
as constrained by disciplines, we understand them as “works.” When we understand them as constrained by the institutions of
memory that preserve and grant access to them, we understand them as “documents.” And when we understand them as the ground
for our own interpretive activity, we understand them as “texts.” When we understand that humanistic scholarship requires
an awareness of all three perspectives simultaneously (an understanding demonstrated by case studies in historical studies
of the discipline of rhetoric), we will be ready for a richer historical scholarship as well as a richer collaboration between
humanists and archivists. 相似文献