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1.
This research examines how television reported the campaign, parties, and candidates during the 1995 Legislative Election in Taiwan. Results of this study showed that state‐owned broadcast television stations were far more likely than privately owned cable television channels to give greater coverage to the ruling party and its candidates, to use ruling party officials as news sources, and to offer more news coverage favorable to the ruling party than to other parties. We conclude that cable television has become a force for balance in coverage, diluting a pervasive pro‐government party bias. The rise of cable television from virtual “outlaw” status to government‐licensed status appears to have responded to a more liberal society and made a contribution to the development of democracy, as have the expanded elections themselves.  相似文献   

2.
TV evening news coverage of the 2008 presidential election by broadcast, cable, and public networks was predominately male and Caucasian in terms of reporters and sources. However, according to our content analysis of 888 campaign stories, viewers saw the least amount of source diversity if they watched the evening news on broadcast networks ABC, CBS, and NBC. Cable networks FOX and CNN, and the PBS evening news had more female and non-White sources. This pattern also holds true for reporter use of nonpartisan sources. Findings on the 2008 election for the traditional broadcast networks are not consistent with those for the 2000 and 2004 elections, when female reporters at these networks had more female and nonpartisan sources in their election coverage than did their male colleagues. Reporters at PBS provided the greatest overall source diversity, regardless of their race or gender, compared to what was observed on broadcast and cable networks. Differences in the way reporters used women and non-White sources to cover the 2008 presidential race may be attributable to organizational factors.  相似文献   

3.

The emergence of a new video marketplace raises questions about the commitment of local TV news organizations to the FCC localism doctrine. Local news coverage at ten Pennsylvania stations in 1992 was content analyzed and compared with 1976 data collected by Adams (1980). Results indicate that stations devoted more coverage to outlying market areas in 1992 than in 1976, but emphasized sensationalism/human interest stories at the expense of local public affairs issues.  相似文献   

4.
This study examined substantive political coverage of the first presidential debate and the political conventions in 2004 on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the broadcast television networks' nightly newscasts. The study found the networks' coverage to be more hype than substance and coverage on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart to be more humor than substance. The amount of substantive information in The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the broadcast network newscasts was the same, regardless of whether the unit of analysis was news stories about the presidential election campaign or the entire half-hour program.  相似文献   

5.
The CKO Radio Network was the only privately owned English language news and information radio network in Canada. CKO held a one‐of‐a‐kind package of licenses to build, own, and operate 12 stations in the largest Canadian markets but built only nine of them. The network launched in 1977 and survived until 1989 when it was shut down by its owners under a staggering $55‐million debt. This paper chronicles Canada's largest broadcast failure and examines the broadcast regulatory agency's role in CKO's demise. It will also consider the legacy of CKO in the context of the current Canadian radio landscape.  相似文献   

6.
随着香港24小时新闻频道不断涌现,新闻直播成为新闻时段近乎必不可少的环节。面对香港经济渐差,各电视台在资源紧缩的情况下,搞好新闻直播,也面临着种种困难和问题。  相似文献   

7.

There's been a good deal of attention given in recent years to the effects of media on political campaigns, but most of that concern has centered on Presidential, Senate, and House contests. The following article, however, focuses in on the grass‐roots level by examining broadcast media use by candidates for the Michigan State legislature in the off‐year elections of 1970. Using state records and a survey of candidates, the author has constructed a picture of radio‐TV campaigning suggesting a wide variety of use, interest in further use, but limitations on usage by what candidates term excessive cost of broadcast time. This concern over expense overrides, to some extent, the recognized impact of media which in this survey correlates strongly with election success. The study is taken from the author's master's thesis written at Indiana State University.  相似文献   

8.
This study has explored the US and Korean newspapers' election coverage in regard to their respective nations' female candidates relative to male rivals during the 2007–2008 presidential nomination campaigns. The findings reveal that both US and Korean newspapers displayed no bias in adopting personal, issue, and viability frames to cover the female candidates versus the male candidates. Additionally, the US dailies gave Clinton as much attention as Obama, as can be seen in the similar amount of articles, headlines, and primary coverage; however, Park, the female candidate in Korea, garnered a lower amount of articles and headlines, and was featured much less as the primary focus when compared to Lee, her male rival, in the Korean dailies. Evidence of biased coverage in the USA is found in the slant of coverage Clinton received. The overall tone of campaign coverage was less positive toward Clinton. While there was no tonal difference between Park and Lee in overall stories and headlines, the tone of Park's viability coverage was less positive than that of Lee, indicating that she was less likely to be the elected nominee for the party.  相似文献   

9.
Based on a content analysis of evening newscasts by the three television stations in Taiwan, this study examines the patterns of news sources selection and presentation in television news. The results of this study show that television news relies heavily on government officials who are primarily middle‐aged men in executive positions located in the capital city of Taipei. These findings suggest that the central government officials in Taipei appear to be the primary definers of social reality. TV news portrays only a very limited view of the society. In conclusion, this study suggests that with the management and content tightly controlled by the state, Taiwan's television news consists primarily of official rituals.  相似文献   

10.
本文从美国总统电视辩论竞选的历史谈起 ,论述了电视辩论对美国总统竞选和电视传媒的重要性 ,指出电视辩论既有好的一面 ,也有显在的缺陷 ,为电视机构带来滚滚财源的同时 ,也凸现了其负面意义。文章最后还论述了面对网络的挑战 ,电视辩论形式必须创新的观点  相似文献   

11.
有线电视的普及和大台专业频道的不断涌现使观众的选择余地越来越大。作为县级电视台“招牌菜”的新闻节目也面临 着严峻的挑战。县级电视台新闻节目存在的问题有哪些?问题的症结何在?面对挑战,县级电视台应该如何扬长避短,办出具有地方特 色的新闻节目?本文作者结合自身实践作了一些思考。  相似文献   

12.
This study conceptualizes news bias as a causal factor producing systematic imbalance in the coverage of conflicting sides. Partisan bias is distinguished from structural bias by coverage that systematically favors one side with more prominence and attention. Content analysis was used to compare the television networks' balance in their treatment of Republican and Democratic candidates in stories and segments covering the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections. Presidential candidates received balanced aggregate treatment in both elections. But individual networks differed in their partisan balance. CBS News consistently favored the Democratic candidate in both elections, unlike the mixed results for ABC and NBC. CBS's pattern of imbalance, especially in the 2004 election, suggests a possible political bias in its coverage.  相似文献   

13.
This study explores content differences in the evening newscasts of the cable all-news networks and compares the evening newscasts of the cable and broadcast networks. A content analysis found strong evidence of product differentiation in the major evening newscasts between the cable and broadcast networks as well as among the cable all-news networks. Each network contributed significantly to adding unique news to the daily television news pool and the topics of the unique stories were diverse.  相似文献   

14.

This study examines news reports of the US September 11 incidents in the Chinese and Taiwanese press. In the Chinese press, the party newspaper (People's Daily) and the new mass‐appeal tabloid (Nanfang Daily) were studied. In the Taiwanese press, the traditional top circulation newspaper (United Daily) and the emerging pro‐Taiwan independent newspaper (Liberty Times) were chosen. Based upon a content analysis of news reports, supplemented with Chinese and Taiwanese government documents, the study found that the Chinese and Taiwanese press tended to report the incident along with the government stances and each represented its own side even after the economic reform and ruling party shift. However, the mass‐appeal tabloid in China moved slightly toward the pattern found in capitalist countries, without violating the government policy severely. The pro‐Taiwan independent newspaper showed more loyalty to the ruling party, but both Taiwanese newspapers covered diverse topics apart from the government stance. To what degree did the press follow the government stances? This study provided the preliminary answer that business interests might influence the press not to follow completely the government stances.  相似文献   

15.
本文论述了印度独立后新闻业发展的四个特征。作者认为 ,理解印度新闻业内部的 ,以及与政府与执政党的种种利益冲突 ;理解印度复杂的语言和种族 ,以及相互间的矛盾 ,是理解印度独立后新闻业发展的钥匙  相似文献   

16.
温少杰 《大观周刊》2012,(40):19-19
目前,各家电视台都把打造民生新闻栏目看成提高新闻报道影响力和收视份额的一条重要途径。但随之而来的是观众和业界对电视民生新闻同质低俗的批评也越来越强烈。电视民生新闻亚待转型与提升,已经成为业界共识。随着栏目品牌的不断增加,竞争也日益激烈,如何在竞争中生存,建立高品质的栏目品牌,在如雨后春笋般淋漓的节目中脱颖而出,是值得广大新闻人考虑的又一课题。  相似文献   

17.
This paper follows the news routine of the daily evening news broadcasts of the two Israeli commercial TV channels. It is about a very particular and significant moment in national TV news—the making and gatekeeping process of the national TV news filler, also known by the Israeli news people as the shelf item. Based on a thematic analysis of in-depth interviews with several Israeli TV news professionals and a textual analysis of a particular TV news item and its shelf potential, findings provide a glimpse at how and for what reasons news stories are prioritized, how gatekeeping is performed in national TV news, and the ways in which the stories that are kept aside and left for later illustrate the overall production of newsworthiness.  相似文献   

18.

The role of mass media in the presidential primaries has not been examined in the same fashion as in the presidential general elections, congressional elections, and gubernatorial elections. This study is based on a survey (face‐to‐face interviews) of 392 adults randomly selected from a city with a population of 444,000 during the 1996 presidential primaries. The results of the hierarchical multiple regression analyses show that television news programs increase learning about candidate issue policies. People's confidence in judging which candidate has a better chance to win the party's nomination is influenced by reading of newspaper campaign stories, viewing of the campaign commercials, and their attention to the campaign news on TV. This study enriches our understanding of media effects in the presidential primaries.  相似文献   

19.
ABSTRACT

This study is one of the first to compare journalistic role performances of English– and Spanish–language TV networks during the 2016 U.S. primaries. Previous research finds that the corporate structure of Spanish–language media in the United States is looking more like its English–language counterparts and that Latino journalists share the norm of objectivity. Meanwhile, research suggests that individuals of different ethnicities turn to different communication channels and that this divergence can be explained by the degree of alignment in linguistic and cultural orientation. In this study, we therefore assess how linguistic differences of TV networks impact journalistic culture during the presidential primaries in 2016. As a crucial component of journalistic culture, we focus on journalistic role performance and find important distinctions: Findings reveal that the greater coverage of presidential candidates as sources on English-language networks have significant consequences for the roles journalists perform. Results suggest that the Spanish–language networks performed significantly more civic journalism roles than their English–language counterparts that perform an interventionist and service role. These differences are discussed alongside different audience-orientation of the networks that reflect deep racial and ethnic divides.  相似文献   

20.
Although only about 1% of all broadcast revenues in 1960 could be attributed to time purchased for the Presidential election campaign, the total (close to $14 million) was enough to put a very‐large dent into political party treasuries. At the same time, broadcasting stations and networks reaped a quadrennial bonanza. The following article describes and discusses the trends in party expenditures for political broadcasting, as well as the regional distribution of the amount of broadcasting time purchased by the two major parties. It is primarily an analysis of the Federal Communications Commission's 1960 Survey of Political Broadcasting.  相似文献   

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