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1.
P. A. van der Ploeg 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》1998,32(2):177-193
In pleas for the recognition of cultural minority rights, claims to educational authority often figure as concrete examples. The right to educational authority is said to be an exemplary minority right. This is striking, for of all minority rights this is one which is impossible to justify. Difficulties invovled in recent attempts to reconcile cultural minority rights with liberal democracy demonstrate that educational minority rights in particular cannot be justified without underestimating civic and liberal risks and ignoring the complicated nature of the relationships between communities and 'their' children and between parents and 'their' children. 相似文献
2.
ELIYAHU ROSENOW 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》1993,27(2):209-220
ABSTRACT An examination of contemporary publications in the philosophy of education reveals that the authority of the teacher is being eroded. As teachers derive their authority from the democratic state and its compulsory education laws, the undermining of their authority indicates the undermining of the authority of the democratic state and its laws. A comparison between Plato and Dewey from this point of view reveals that this state of affairs is the upshot of the collision between the principle of authority and the principle of liberty, and that this collision constitutes the basic problem of democracy as well as of education for democracy. The challenge to contemporary education is consequently that of exploring ways leading to the rehabilitation of the authority of the teacher. 相似文献
3.
Olivier Michaud 《Educational theory》2012,62(3):287-304
Educational authority is an issue in contemporary democracies. Surprisingly, little attention has been given to the problem of authority in Jean‐Jacques Rousseau's Emile and his work has not been addressed in the contemporary debate on the issue of authority in democratic education. Olivier Michaud's goals are, first, to address both of these oversights by offering an original reading of the problem of authority in Emile and then to rehabilitate the notion of “educational authority” for democratic educators today. Contrary to progressive readings of Emile, he argues, Rousseau's position on this issue is not reducible to “education against authority.” What appears at first glance to be an education against authority is, in a deeper sense, an education toward and even within authority. Michaud contends that we have to embrace these complexities and contradictions that inform Rousseau's work in order to gain insights into the place and role of authority in democratic education. Michaud sheds light on Rousseau's stance on authority through a close study of specific topics addressed in Emile, including negative education, opinion, one's relation to God, friendship and loving relationships, and, finally, the relation Rousseau established with his reader. 相似文献
4.
NICOLAS TANCHUK 《Journal of Philosophy of Education》2020,54(5):1167-1185
Cognitive load theorists Paul Kirschner, John Sweller and Richard Clark argue that an array of inquiry-based pedagogies widely promoted in teacher preparation programmes are out of step with current cognitive science and should be eliminated for novice learners. According to these cognitive load theorists, inquiry-based pedagogies are likely to increase achievement gaps between the lowest and highest achieving students while reducing total learning. On almost any theory of justice in educational provision, an educational practice that results in the acquisition of fewer total educational goods by students and greater inequality in the distribution of goods will be considered unjust. I argue that inquiry-based pedagogies can be defended, even for novice learners, not as means to other goods but as embodiments of the least controversial liberal-democratic educational ends. I claim that once understood as part of the ends of liberal democratic education, inquiry-based pedagogies cannot be rightly eliminated from educational pathways. In addition, I argue that by interpreting cognitive load theory in light of uncontroversial liberal democratic educational ends, central claims about instructional design that are advanced by both cognitive load theorists and their opponents are either moderated or overturned. Most notably, the claim that there are no domain-general inquiry skills which need to be taught, which is advanced by cognitive load theorists against inquiry theorists, is revealed to be self-refuting. Integrating cognitive load theory into processes of liberal democratic problem-solving turns out to be a biologically secondary domain-general inquiry skill of just the sort cognitive load theorists deny exists. 相似文献
5.
教育选择权是一项重要的人权。义务教育是根据法律规定,适龄儿童和青少年都必须接受的国民教育,教育公平是社会公平与和谐的基本要素。父母及其子女教育选择权的行使对教育公平的实现可能带来双重影响。本文主张在法律上确认教育选择权,在实践中引导和规范父母及其子女教育选择权的行使,以促进教育公平的实现。 相似文献
6.
Petra Engelbrecht 《European Journal of Psychology of Education - EJPE》2006,21(3):253-264
Inclusive education in South Africa has not been promoted as simply one more option for education but as an educational strategy
that can contribute to a democratic society. After the end of the Apartheid era the new democratic government committed itself
to the transformation of education and key policy documents and legislation stress the principle of education as a basic human
right as enshrined in the Constitution. White Paper 6: Special Needs Education, building an inclusive education and training
system (2001) provides a framework for systemic change for the development of inclusive education. As a philosophy, the concept
of inclusive education in the South African context embraces the democratic values of equality and human rights and the recognition
of diversity. Research however indicates that multifaceted societal changes, encompassing educational reforms and contextual
changes, including the management of diversity in schools, have had a negative impact on the implementation of inclusive education.
After ten year of democracy, the enduring tension between changing the structure of education and changing the process of
education is still influencing progress. Enhancing the recognition and acceptance of the basic rights of all South African
children to be accommodated in inclusive school communities therefore remains a challenge. 相似文献
7.
Sarah M. Stitzlein 《Educational theory》2020,70(3):355-372
In this essay, Sarah Stitzlein describes the democratic potential of parents choosing to opt out of school testing, explaining how they ought to engage in political dissent to best fulfill their responsibilities as citizens and to practice democracy on behalf of children and schools. Parents' decisions to opt out are often based on rights claims about their oversight as parents; moral claims regarding the potential undue pressure testing places on children and the misuse of students' scores; political and economic concerns with the role of corporations in testing; and educational claims about the validity of scores, the narrowing of curriculum, and the deprofessionalization of teachers who feel they must teach to the test. By building publics around these rationales and shared concerns, parents may increase the political legitimacy of public schools and create public schools that are more deeply public; in some cases, they may also provide an educational model of democratic life for budding citizens in schools to observe and learn from. 相似文献
8.
《壬戌学制》是"五四"新文化运动推动下教育改革的产物,体现了教育的内在规律及社会经济文化的客观要求。该学制的制定、颁行过程具备民主、规范的程序及科学方法的精神,它的产生、形成与学制规程的文本内容相统一形成的整体,不仅具有推进中国现代教育理论及实践层面的深远意义,而且在教育政策视野下具有里程碑式的作用,开现代中国学制改革史之先河。 相似文献
9.
《Critical Studies in Education》2013,54(2):122-137
This article reflects on emergent (radical-progressive) languages of democracy to consider what common educational institutions might mean today. It explores distinct philosophical and political tensions that cut across these languages in relation to educational organization and pedagogy including – antagonism versus exodus, transcendence versus immanence, pluralism versus multiplicity, democracy versus communism. In contrast to other theorists in education who have tended to privilege certain conceptual positions in these debates to address a wide range of educational issues, the author argues that these tensions should be read selectively and generatively for linking political questions concerning democracy to educational transformation. In conclusion, the article calls for a language of insurrectional democracy that integrates aspects of each approach and where strategic engagements with, and creative lines of flight out of, public institutions and the State play a role in reimagining a common education for a democratic society to come. 相似文献
10.
Chris Lloyd 《International Journal of Inclusive Education》2013,17(2):133-151
This paper argues that the claims of current UK education policy, for children with special educational needs (SEN) toprovide excellence and equality of opportunity, are false. Critically examined are issues of social justice and equity in relation to the work of disability theorists and this critique is then applied to recent policy in education, in particular the Green Paper Excellence for All Children; Meeting Special Educational Needs, to demonstrate that as long as the organization of schooling, the curriculum, and assessment and testing procedures remain unchallenged, equal educational opportunity will remain amyth. In conclusion, having shown that the central energy in educational change seems to be devoted to perpetuating the status quo, thus reinforcing inequality and discrimination and precluding excellence for all children, this paper attempts toset anew agendafor the 21st century that might possibly offer agenuine entitlement for all children to an equal educational opportunity. Although the paper is centrally concerned with a critique of policy in the UK, it is believed that the implications have international relevance as they are fundamental issues relating to human rights and equity. 相似文献
11.
We offer a theoretical and ecological argument for the preparation of citizens in U.S. public schools. This democratic education
draws legitimacy from the concern of the nations founders for a populace educated to govern itself. We also emphasize the
need for new democratic skills and knowledge in the face of today’s challenges, and our responsibility to prepare the young
for the 21st century. A critique of the current school reform movement is provided because of its undemocratic nature. We
issue a call for the transformation to democratic schools. We specifically argue that current efforts at reform are maintaining
historical inequities, while also depriving those that enjoy social and economic advantages of the education needed to meet
the challenges of a rapidly changing world. The democratic education proposed is based on three goals: citizenship preparation, inclusion, and an optimum learning environment. Seven well established principles of democracy and their relationship to schooling are presented. These include; the nature
of authority, inclusiveness, equal availability of the understanding required for deliberating the most serious challenges
to democracy and livability, equal access to centers of political decision-making, guaranteed inalienable rights, equality,
and universal access to an optimum learning environment. We offer a fundamentally different approach to educational reform:
calling for a reassessment of the role of public schools in a democracy that recognizes the importance of citizenship preparation,
and a “bottom up” reform model that starts in the classroom and can be implemented by individual teachers. 相似文献
12.
PENNY ENSLIN 《Cambridge Journal of Education》2003,33(1):73-83
How is citizenship understood in South Africa, a new democracy with a deeply divided past? This paper describes the approach to citizenship education in recent educational policy, and in curriculum developments. It does so against the background of a conceptualisation of citizenship based on both the participatory vision of the anti-apartheid struggle and on the citizen as presented in the new Constitution. The shifting nature of the divisions that still deeply divide this society is explored, together with tensions between what can be called the official conceptualisation of citizenship and a more popular interpretation of citizenship as access to socio economic rights. This tension poses potential problems in the democratic polity, as well as a challenge for citizenship education. 相似文献
13.
教育惩戒是教师履行教育教学职责的必要手段和法定职能。教育部于2019年底公布《中小学教师实施教育惩戒规则(征求意见稿)》,就教育惩戒立法公开征求意见。该文件对教育惩戒权的概念、原则、价值、实施规范等方面做了详细规定,彰显了我国利用法律保障教师与学生合法权益的决心,为教师开展教育惩戒提供了一定的指导,在我国教育法制化的进程中具有重要意义。 相似文献
14.
Critical pedagogy wraps itself in the mantle of democracy, but in six generally accepted attributes of democracy (equality, important knowledge, nature of authority, inclusiveness, participatory decisionmaking, and rights and a seventh, not normally considered but one that has been the essence of the democratic dream—an optimum environment for everyone), critical pedagogy offers no direction. In fact, critical pedagogy, despite its unrelenting assault on the oppressiveness of schooling, may be guilty of diversion, division, illusion, and confusion, which are the major thrusts of oppression in a democratic society. Unlike critical pedagogy, a general theory of education informed by the seven aforementioned attributes of democracy provides multiple avenues for initiation of significant and realistic educational reform in existing public school sites. 相似文献
15.
《Educational Philosophy and Theory》2013,45(1):93-101
What an honor to have political and educational theorists of such caliber take up ideas from my work! What a daunting task to try to respond! My remarks will touch on the following questions: What are some key issues of distributive justice in education today? Why does defining justice in terms of oppression and domination imply that issues of justice cannot be reduced to distribution? How does normalization constitute a major process enacting oppression, and what does this imply for education? What does it mean to include marginalized groups in economic opportunity and democratic process, and how can educational institutions foster such inclusion? Why do issues of religion and other forms of cultural expression belong to a distinct category of justice? Are values of freedom of expression and tolerance in tension with the project of democratic inclusion? How shall we consider transnational issues of educational justice? 相似文献
16.
In this essay, Emil Višňovský and Štefan Zolcer outline John Dewey's contribution to democratic theory as presented in his 1916 classic Democracy and Education. The authors begin with a review of the general context of Dewey's conception of democracy, and then focus on particular democratic ideas and concepts as presented in Democracy and Education. This analysis emphasizes not so much the technical elaboration of these ideas and concepts as their philosophical framework and the meanings of democracy for education and education for democracy elaborated by Dewey. Apart from other aspects of Deweyan educational democracy, Višňovský and Zolcer focus on participation as one of its key characteristics, ultimately claiming that the notion of educational democracy Dewey developed in this work is participatory. 相似文献
17.
What an honor to have political and educational theorists of such caliber take up ideas from my work! What a daunting task to try to respond! My remarks will touch on the following questions: What are some key issues of distributive justice in education today? Why does defining justice in terms of oppression and domination imply that issues of justice cannot be reduced to distribution? How does normalization constitute a major process enacting oppression, and what does this imply for education? What does it mean to include marginalized groups in economic opportunity and democratic process, and how can educational institutions foster such inclusion? Why do issues of religion and other forms of cultural expression belong to a distinct category of justice? Are values of freedom of expression and tolerance in tension with the project of democratic inclusion? How shall we consider transnational issues of educational justice? 相似文献
18.
教育民主的主体间性本质和方式 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
不同信仰和追求对民主的理解有很大差别,甚至完全相反。一种信仰追求的民主在另一种信仰看来很可能是虚假的甚至是专制的。但不同民主在追求平等、自由、自主等方面则是一致的,而民主与主体间性又有密切联系,它们追求的目标和坚持的原则具有高度的一致性。教育民主是运用民主方式提高民主素质的教育。师生主体间的自我确认、自由自主、平等交往、主动对话、相互理解、共同发展等教育方式也就是民主教育的方式。 相似文献
19.
历史上各种思潮不断赋予师生关系新的内涵。广为大家所倡导的教育民主化又给予师生关系以民主的内核,与此同时,教师的权威式微。在构建新型的师生关系时应厘清民主与权威的关系,重视教师合法权威。 相似文献
20.
《中华教育界》作为近代中国教育期刊中刊行时间长、影响较大的刊物之一,它不论是在西方各种教育理论、教育制度、教育方法、教育内容的引入,还是在教育实验、教育思潮的推进上都扮演着重要的角色,发挥了重要作用,产生过积极影响.1924年7月至1926年11月间,陈启天担任《中华教育界》主编,以“教育改造国家”为其办刊宗旨,借助师友的援引、同学的相互砥砺、同道的呼应、同乡与同事的鼎力支持,集结了一大批提倡教育救国的教育界人士.他们在陈启天的引领下,思想之间形成了相互交融之势,使得《中华教育界》成为宣传国家主义教育的理论阵地. 相似文献