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1.
This paper examines whether or not media coverage is biased by the political orientation of the journalists’ country, specifically illustrated by the 2011 bid for statehood by the Palestinian Authority in the United Nations. This bid represents a symbolic step toward international recognition of a Palestinian state, an important event in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. A quantitative analysis was conducted on 1577 news reports from American, European, and Middle Eastern outlets to determine the differences in media coverage of the Palestinian bid for statehood among the channels. The findings suggest that Israeli channels broadcasted a relatively low number of items in which the Palestinian declaration itself was the main theme. The BBC broadcasted a relatively high rate of such items, and offered balanced coverage of both Israeli and Palestinian positions, while coverage by American FOX News channel reflected a pro-Israel bias. The findings also suggest that media outlets may be biased toward specific leaders. This work builds on a growing body of research on media framing of political conflicts and the effect of the political context of a country on its media outlets’ coverage.  相似文献   

2.
This study explores the experiences and practices of Palestinian journalists working for Palestinian media outlets during the 2014 Gaza war. Our findings, based on data gathered from 10 in-depth interviews, indicate that the practices of Palestinian reporters and editors who covered the 2014 Gaza war were shaped by their personal experiences during the war and by a strong motivation to represent the Palestinian narrative, perspective, and suffering in the conflict with Israel.  相似文献   

3.
Pictures play an ever-increasing role in the public’s understanding of mediated events. However, many studies show that visuals remain an understudied field, especially when it comes to multimodal approaches. This remains an important issue in today’s media environment, where visuals and their interaction with textual contents are becoming increasingly important carriers of meaning. The following paper presents results from a multimodal quantitative content analysis of the online coverage of the 2014 Israel–Gaza conflict, wherein an innovative comparative approach to visual and textual frames was applied. We examine the existing frames, identify patterns of visual and textual frame co-occurrence and describe changes of the applied multimodal framing. Overall, a sample of 150 texts and 219 pictures was coded. The study shows that the applied visual and textual frames initially correspond with each other thematically. During the course of the conflict, however, the provided textual and visual framing divert increasingly. While the textual mode more or less upholds its original framing of the events, the visual level intensifies the framing strategy it has adopted since the escalation of the conflict began. As a result, textual coverage focuses more on negotiations and solutions, whereas images become increasingly graphic.  相似文献   

4.
The news media’s use of polls is by no means the special preserve of democracies. Using the case of Chinese government’s official medium (i.e. the People’s Daily), this study set out to assess how poll results are communicated to the public in China by examining the presentation of methodological information in its poll stories, and how its web counterpart, the People’s Daily Online website, differs in its coverage of polls from a technical point of view. It then examined the outlets’ interpretations of poll results and the media logic the coverage implies in comparison with the political logic that shapes poll reporting in China. Further critical discourse analysis reveals the use of authoritarian populist rhetoric as a discursive strategy in both outlets’ representation of public opinion. Compared with the print outlet, the online outlet showed a more marked inclination to describe a certain class as ‘the people’ in anti-elite rhetoric.  相似文献   

5.
In 2014, as Arabs and Israelis fought a deadly and destructive 50-day military battle in Gaza, a simultaneous war of perception was being waged in American news media. Israel claimed that Palestinian militants were using civilians as human shields. So far, however, no critical research has inquired as to whether these allegations were reported scrupulously in mainstream American news media. Thus, using a Habermasian critical discourse analysis, this study examined how five of the largest U.S. newspapers reported accusations of Palestinian human shielding. The findings herein reveal how fairly these media outlets cover one of the most enduring international struggles in modern times: the Middle East conflict. After all, as this paper will discuss, these publications play a potentially crucial role in explaining to the public the complexities of this highly destructive and deadly region of the world, which ultimately could allow citizens to participate more fully in an informed, democratic solution for peace.  相似文献   

6.
Di Cui 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(6):582-600
The disappearance of Malaysian Airline Flight MH370 attracted high media attention across countries. To explore how news media outlets influence each other in transnational settings, this study focuses on the coverage of MH370 by three major newspapers in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong, and examines the inter-media agenda-setting effect as an indicator of media’s mutual influence. A content analysis of 255 news articles revealed significant correlations among the issue agendas of the 3 newspapers, suggesting the existence of reciprocal, though asymmetrical, influence among the news media in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong. The findings also suggest that news media differ in power and that news media in high-power countries play a key role in shaping the global news agenda.  相似文献   

7.
In light of the media industry’s growing focus on audience engagement, this article explores how online and offline forms of engagement unfold within journalism, based on a comparative case study of two American public media newsrooms. This study addresses gaps in the literature by (1) examining what engagement means for public media and (2) applying the concept of reciprocal journalism to evaluate the nature of reciprocity (direct, indirect, or sustained) in the give-and-take between journalists and their communities. Drawing on direct observation and in-depth interviews, this article shows how this emerging focus on engagement is driven by public media journalists’ desire to make their relationship with the public more enduring and mutually beneficial. We find that such journalists privilege offline modes of engagement (e.g., listening sessions and partnerships with local organizations) in hopes of building trust and strengthening ties with their community, more so than digital modes of engagement (e.g., social media) that are more directly tied to news publishing. Moreover, this case study reveals that public media organizations, in and through their engagement efforts, are distinguishing between the communities they cover in their reporting and the audiences they reach with their reporting.  相似文献   

8.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(10):1220-1240
In recent years, the rapid expansion of Web 2.0 tools has opened new possibilities for audience participation in news, while “engagement” has become a media industry buzzword. In this study, we explore approaches to engagement emerging in the field based on in-depth interviews with editors at a range of news outlets from several countries, and we map these approaches onto the literature on participatory journalism and related innovations in journalism practice. Our findings suggest variation in approaches to engagement that can be arrayed along several related dimensions, encompassing how news outlets measure and practice it (e.g. with the use of quantitative audience metrics methods), whether they think about audiences as more passive or more active users, the stages at which they incorporate audience data or input into the news product, and how skeptically or optimistically they view the audience. Overall, while some outlets are experimenting with tools for more substantive audience contributions to news content, we find few outlets approaching engagement as a way to involve users in the creation of news, with most in our sample focusing mostly on engaging users in back-end reaction and response to the outlet’s content. We identify technological, economic, professional, and organizational factors that shape and constrain how news outlets practice “engagement.”  相似文献   

9.
ABSTRACT

The relationship management theory and contingency theory of conflict management, as two dominant approaches in the field of public relations, bolstered by a tapestry of literature from cross-disciplinary fields, were brought together to conceptualize the concept of contingent organization–public relationships (COPR). To generate the theoretical robustness of COPR and test its practical applicability, we selected a social-mediated crisis occurring in China and collected data through mixed-methods, including both content analysis and in-depth interviews. Quantitatively, content analysis of 338 Red Cross’s press releases and 4003 media coverage and 136,754 public posts during a 3-year time range provided a natural history of the application of COPR in crises. Qualitative interviews also offered in-depth information on the perceptions of stances and relationships from each party in this incident. Findings concluded that COPR addressed the dynamic and contingent multi-party relationships in contemporary China.  相似文献   

10.
This research characterizes American media coverage of China’s Confucius Institutes and their related activities in the United States since their emergence more than 12 years ago. Although there are now more than 100 Confucius Institutes and 300 associated classrooms in the country, to date there has been no systematic study of how these Chinese government-sponsored organizations are portrayed in the American press. This study presents a content analysis of 426 articles mentioning these efforts at the heart of China’s public diplomacy endeavors since 2003. Determining that fewer than half of the articles did more than mention these organizations, we dedicate particular attention to the 183 examples that do focus specifically on Confucius Institute and classroom activities across the country. While results point to some differences in tone, framing and sources across university, local, state, national and international news outlets, we find that the majority of coverage focuses uncritically on these Chinese institutions without providing broader context about China’s rationale for engaging in such activities. The implications for China’s public diplomacy efforts in the United States are considered.  相似文献   

11.
When a journalist returns to political reporting after working as a political media adviser it can trigger concern about conflict of interest based on a suspicion of partisanship. Despite this, there is little discussion in the journalism literature about how reporters should manage this type of conflict when it arises. This paper reports on a selection of findings from wider inductive, qualitative research into the career transition from journalism to political media advising and back again. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews conducted with 21 journalists who had moved between the two roles revealed that the media advisers took four main routes back to journalism in an attempt to manage the possible conflicts: “Escape”; Being “laundered”; Going “straight back in”; and “Cooling-off”. Based on these findings, this paper argues that a uniform approach to managing the transition from political advising to journalism could be useful in easing public concern about conflicts of interest.  相似文献   

12.
ABSTRACT

In this study, I examine the perilous conditions facing Filipino journalists covering the Mindanao region, focusing on differences in threats and dangers faced by those who are local to the region and those parachuting in from Manila. Using a qualitative approach, I have conducted one group interview with two local and two non-local journalists, and five in-depth one-to-one interviews with journalists and expert sources, in 2017. The study additionally draws on interviews with fourteen Filipino journalists and editors from 2014. The journalists perceive that safety differ depending on whether they are local to the conflict they cover or not. Safety issues are significant for the ways in which they operate in the field and decisions they make. Extra-judicial killings and impunity for perpetrators committing crimes against journalists perpetuate dangerous conditions particularly for local journalists, while kidnapping for ransom is among the greatest threats perceived by non-local journalists. In situations which non-local journalists can retreat, their local counterparts stay behind and face reprisals. Ethics is imperative to safety particularly for local journalists. Safety training should be tailored to and differentiate between security challenges. Collaboration between local and non-local journalists may improve their safety altogether, but media organisations must adequately compensate both.  相似文献   

13.
The abundance of political media outlets raises concerns that citizens isolate themselves to likeminded news, leaving the public with infrequent shared media experiences and little exposure to disagreeable information. Network analysis of 2008 National Annenberg Election Survey data (N = 57,967) indicates these worries are exaggerated, as general interest news outlets like local newspapers and non-partisan television news are central to the public’s media environment. Although there is some variation between the media diets of Republicans and Democrats (FOX News and conservative talk radio are central to Republicans’ information network), neither group appears to engage in active avoidance of disagreeable information. Individuals across the political spectrum are not creating partisan “echo chambers” but instead have political media repertoires that are remarkably similar.  相似文献   

14.
During the years of Ba'athist dictator Saddam Hussein, media personnel were under tight control and tortured or executed when they strayed from the government line. In the decade following the fall of the Ba'athist regime, thousands of Iraqi journalists were trained in liberal democratic professional norms, and hundreds of news outlets opened even as some of the old patronage practices and violence continued. This study utilized Shoemaker and Reese's hierarchy of influences model to examine factors influencing a proxy indicator for professional ethics, the value of conflict of interest avoidance among a purposive sample of Iraqi journalists (N = 588). We found that the news media routines and ideological levels, though not strong, had the greatest influences on this conflict of interest avoidance perception criterion indicator, the proxy for professional ethics. The findings suggest a tension between liberal democratic journalism training at the routines level and ideological aspects, in some cases, such as ethnic identity and political ideology. Strong influences on perceptions of conflict of interest avoidance were the type of media platform/Western journalism training, Arab ethnicity over Kurdish ethnicity, ideology of “democrat” over Kurdish nationalist or Islamist. No influence was apparent for Internet use frequency or state versus nonstate media.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

The authors deploy a critical cultural critique that extends the work of monstrosity scholars and other researchers who are interested in the application of zombie apocalypse analyses to critiques of contemporary nationalistic and social controversies. World War Z sets in motion a series of cinematic dynamics that invite audiences to consider how Israeli securitization of Jerusalem might serve as the world's best hope for containing the zombie apocalypse. By decoding the “monstering” features World War Z, the authors note the heuristic value of understanding how the rhetoric of autoimmunity influences mediated perceptions of Israeli and Palestinian conflicts.  相似文献   

16.
The approach of context collapse and the notion of unintentional context collisions are of importance to scholars of social media. Israeli public hospitals are a particularly suitable venue for studying these topics, as they employ both Jewish and Arab practitioners, who care for both Jewish and Arab patients amid an ongoing violent conflict. In-depth interviews were conducted with 50 managers and healthcare practitioners (physicians and nurses), both Jewish and Arab, employed at 11 public hospitals in Israel. We found that despite hospitals managements’ instructions to avoid political discourse, it erupts nonetheless whenever the conflict escalates. Fearing damage to professional relations and care of patients, political discourse spills over into social media, where political opinions are expressed mostly by Arab practitioners and stereotypical attitudes against Arabs are expressed mostly by Jewish ones. Our study exemplifies the usefulness of the context collapse approach—and specifically unintentional context collisions—to work organizations and all the more so to healthcare organizations.  相似文献   

17.
以布迪厄的场域理论为出发点,基于对南方Z市政务微信编辑的深度访谈,本文研究认为,政务微信生产实践宜理解为新闻场域与政治场域两种文化逻辑之间的融合与冲突,理解为其间各行动主体之间的博弈。具体地,政务微信的融合形态有四,即,"忠"且"传","忠"而不"传","不忠"而"传","不忠"且"不传"。融合中的冲突性元素源于各自相异的场域逻辑,显现为融合中的行动主体--行政领导与微信编辑--在投入与效果、有为与无为、代际差异三方面的博弈。不过,两大场域在目标上可能的一致性,即,政治安全前提下的市场致效,使得政务新媒体仍存在有机融合的空间。基于此,本文尝试性地将我国政务新媒体实践概括为"博弈性融合"。  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT

A large body of literature in representational studies reflects a deep professional concern over the negative effect of the role of the media in representing significant Others. Western media's coverage of an international event, in this case, a football competition, raises some ethical questions about the choice of specific lexical items and textual contents. Drawing on the work of Stuart Hall's representation theory, this article examines how Turkey, a nation located on the semi-periphery of Europe, is represented in Western media outlets. By looking at the role that sections of the British sports press plays in their construction of the Turkish national identity, I evaluate the Euro 2016 and Euro 2004 reporting of the UEFA European Championship qualifying matches between Turkey and England. I apply a combination of lexical and narrative analysis, and I question the way that Turkey is represented in the British sport texts. The style and language used in the presentation of football games reveals that British media outlets are prone to present England's politically and economically powerful position, and its cultural superiority over Turkey. Findings also suggest that the discourse of the “West and the Rest” is alive in the modern world.  相似文献   

19.
In Ferguson, Missouri, Palestinian activists and black protesters created a transnational collective identity defined by what some scholars call a “community of feeling” following the murder of Michael Brown in August 2014. This paper focuses on the transnational politics of the Ferguson Movement through a textual analysis of digital media discourse and interviews with local community activists. Findings reveal that activists generated a transnational collective identity based on their shared experiences of oppression and resistance, which activists made visible across various digital platforms, including social media, blogs, and livestreaming. Informed by the literature on social movements, collective identity, and affect, the authors move beyond theoretical analyses that emphasize activists’ communicative practices as strategic; instead, this article underscores the affective linkages that led to the development of a transnational collective identity within the movement.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

This study examined how work–family conflict (WFC) is associated with mechanisms of relational turbulence, conflict tactics, and marital satisfaction. Six hundred and thirty-three married workers completed an online survey. Family interference with work and spouses’ work interfering with one’s family predicted greater relational uncertainty and interference from partners, whereas one’s own work interfering with family did not predict these mechanisms of turbulence. All three sources of relational uncertainty, and interference from partners, predicted increased avoidance and distributive tactic use. Facilitation from partners predicted increased use of integrative tactics. Finally, relational uncertainty, interference from partners, and distributive conflict tactics partially mediated the associations of WFC with marital satisfaction.  相似文献   

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