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留守儿童问题是我国近年来一个突出的社会问题.研究通过对留守儿童大省颁布的 《关于加强农村留守儿童关爱保护工作的意见》 进行文本分析发现,留守儿童的有效监护体系、救助保护机制、工作保障措施三个方面是各省关爱保护政策的着力点,呈现出政策目标一致性、政策内容地方性和政策实施主体多元性的特征,同时也存在着剥夺监护人资格的配套措施不完善等共性问题.基于当前各省农村留守儿童关爱保护政策中存在的问题,提出以下建议:完善监护人资格剥夺的配套措施;进一步完善激励机制和问责办法;以立法形式倡导建立和谐的家庭婚姻关系;制定实施农村社会组织发展规划;建立健全第三方督查评价机制. 相似文献
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《教育导刊》1995,(Z1)
地处亚洲西部的以色列,现人均生产总值已达11000美元.究其原因,重要的一点,就是重视教育,重视人的素质.1949年以色列颁布了义务教育法令,规定所有5到14岁的儿童都要接受免费义务教育.1979年颁布新法令、将接受义务教育者的年龄增至16岁,享受免费教育者的年龄延至18岁.政府有关部门还对5岁以下儿童学前自费学习费用做出规定,根据学前儿童的家庭收入状况予以补贴,鼓励更多的儿童接受早期教育.以色列儿童从3岁起,自费参加学前班,课程内容有个人卫生、交通安全、绘画和自然知识.5岁起,要开始接受国家免费义务教育,参加更高层次的技能培训,如语言表达,以保证从小打下掌握现代科技知识的基础.6岁开始上小学,接受正规教育.为加深学生对社会的理解,每年每个学校都要选择一个有关国家大事的专题,在全校范围内深入讨论,如民主价值观、以色列移民、阿拉伯国家与以色列冲突等. 相似文献
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正据以色列《犹太前进报》网站(forward.com)2014年4月24日报道,以色列教育部近日出台了关于大屠杀教育的新课程计划,以色列儿童将从幼儿园开始接受大屠杀教育。该课程在以色列教育部网站上被命名为"我的记忆",并在大屠杀纪念日之前发布。来自以色列教育部和以色列大屠杀纪念馆国际学院的大屠杀研究专家设计了这一课程。课程委员会包括大屠杀研究专家、教育家、心理学家和教育顾问。 相似文献
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《中国远程教育(综合版)》1993,(8)
地处亚洲西部的以色列,现人均生产总值已达11000美元.究其原因,重要的一点就是重视教育,重视人的素质.1949年以色列颁布了义务教育法令,规定所有5到14岁的儿童都要接受免费义务教育.1979年颁布新法令,将接受义务教育者的年龄延至16岁,享受免费教育者的年龄延至18岁.政府有关部门还对5岁以下儿童学习费用做出规定,根据学前儿童的家庭收入状况予以补贴,鼓励更多的儿童接受早期教育. 相似文献
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“校园儿童的成长，乃是这个世界希望之所在”。古犹太经典《塔木德》上的这句话，成为今天以色列教育的重要指针。一些以色列教育学家提出了儿童4岁入学的改革计划。儿童4岁入学计划由以色列教育部、财政部、国防军人力资源部门官员共同拟定，目的是使学生更富有创造力和竞争力，同时适应以色列国防的要求。此前，以色列的教育制度与我国基本相似，不同的是，在上小学之前，所有5岁以色列儿童就必须进入学前班学习一年。三个阶段各4年根据新计划，所有儿童从4岁入学，这比原先提前一年。随后12年的学习分为三个阶段，每阶段4年。其中，4岁… 相似文献
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刘合波 《历史教学(高校版)》2011,(7)
1970年9月爆发的约旦危机,经历了劫机、内战与叙利亚介入三个阶段。美国分别围绕拯救人质与保护约旦国王侯赛因的政权而展开了外交决策,鉴于美国实施援助所面临的种种困难,以色列则成为美国实现这些目标的首选。以色列对美国的积极配合,使美国意识到了以色列在实现其意图上的战略价值,也促发了美国中东政策的改变。 相似文献
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王新谦 《南京晓庄学院学报》2008,24(1):82-86,101
由于美国和以色列的特殊关系,以色列是二战后累计得到美国援助最多的国家.美国对以色列不惜血本的、无条件的援助与它对其他中东国家附加条件的援助形成了鲜明对比.由此可以预见,只要美国继续执行其单边主义政策和双重标准,包括在援助上使用双重标准,美国就难以在阿以冲突中充当公正的仲裁人.只要以色列继续站在美国一边,以色列也不可能摆脱其在阿拉伯世界的孤立地位. 相似文献
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美国保护儿童免受媒体负面内容侵害的政策在世界上较完善,特别是20世纪90年代以来,美国政府加快了儿童媒体政策的立法进程,严肃了惩罚力度,并通过立法进一步敦促媒体行业制定了详细的分级制度。美国儿童媒体政策不仅鼓励媒体为儿童播放有教育意义的节目,而且严厉打击内容低俗、质量低劣的有害节目和信息,同时也把儿童的隐私权纳入了保护范围。 相似文献
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儿童政策背后的核心理念之一是儿童、家庭、国家三者之间的关系问题。儿童在美国、德国、日本三国均有很高的地位,并且通过完善的法律政策来加以保障。三个国家儿童政策的实施,均基于家庭是儿童照顾和发展的最主要责任者的理念,国家通过替代性支持和补充性支持等方式来介入家庭中的儿童保护与发展。三国儿童政策理念对我国儿童政策具有借鉴意义。 相似文献
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Dorit Barchana‐Lorand 《The International Journal of Art & Design Education》2020,39(3):498-508
What happens to art education when the national school curriculum in Israel follows a ‘core subjects’ policy? Allocating only two hours for all five art subjects (visual arts, music, drama, dance and cinematic arts) that remain outside the core curriculum increases the social‐economic gap between children whose parents can fund their art education privately and children whose parents cannot afford this. This also has worrying consequences for art teachers (most of them women) deprived of job security. 相似文献
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GEOFFREY SHORT 《比较教育学》1995,31(3):355-368
In this paper I examine the prospects of Ethiopian children integrating successfully into the Israeli school system. My specific concern is that the children will experience in Israel the same sort of difficulties that beset Afro-Caribbean children in Britain when assimilation and later integration were the dominant concerns of educational policy makers. With particular reference to the Rampton and Swann reports, comparisons between the two groups are made chiefly in terms of racism (both intentional and unintentional), self-esteem, innate ability, linguistic difficulties and the ethnocentricity of the curriculum. Other factors referred to include the impact of bussing, the influence of role models and family disintegration. It is concluded that over the longer term, Ethiopian children in Israel will adapt successfully to the educational system. 相似文献
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在介绍印度、以色列、美国流动儿童教育政策的基础上,文章从思想基础、动力因素、运行机制三个角度对三个国家流动儿童教育政策进行了比较分析,提出了进一步完善我国流动儿童教育政策的对策建议。 相似文献
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Ami Pedahzur 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(5):413-430
Israeli society has a long reputation of being intolerant and violent. In this study we chose to look into the role of the education policy in Israel and to ask why do civic education programmes fail in implanting more seeds of tolerance and democratic values within the society. The first part of the study presents the subordination of the civic education programmes to the needs of the ethno-national agenda in the early years of the state of Israel, accomplished mainly by marginalizing the field of civics both in terms of contents and instruction hours. Then, we argue that since the 1980s, after the Israeli leadership was exposed to the problematic consequences of the lack of education to democratic values, all the initiatives to promote such agenda collided with the strong non-liberal character of the state which prevented any progress toward a more democratic orientation. We present the nature of this collision by using three levels of analysis: structural, policy making and policy implementation. We conclude by arguing that only a process of real liberalization of the state of Israel has the potential to liberate the education system from the paradoxes inherent to it. 相似文献
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哈马斯是一个具有强烈伊斯兰宗教意识形态的巴勒斯坦抵抗组织。哈马斯深受伊斯兰原教旨主义思潮影响,不承认以色列的生存权,主张暴力反抗以色列,代表部分激进穆斯林的利益。2006年哈马斯击败法塔赫成为巴勒斯坦执政党。在其发展过程中,政治主张逐渐由强硬向务实政策转变。哈马斯崛起,打破了巴勒斯坦国内法塔赫“一家独大”的局面,围绕权力分配两派爆发激烈冲突。哈马斯掌控巴勒斯坦政权给中东和平带来变数。哈马斯对自己政治主张的把握方向将决定其执政前景。 相似文献
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Netta Sagie 《Compare》2019,49(1):47-63
This study examines and characterises the governmental discourse regarding entrepreneurship policy in the Israeli education system as a case study to expand existing knowledge regarding national entrepreneurship policy in education. The study is based on in-depth interviews with key governmental policymakers (holding the top of the pyramid position in the Ministry of Education) involved in the creation and formulation of the education policy in Israel for over a decade. We provide a unique glimpse into the mindset where decisions that shape the entire Israeli education system are made, and present new insights regarding the components of entrepreneurship policy in education in Israel, as well as the characteristics of such policy, its expressions and the construction of entrepreneurship as a field of policy in the education sector. 相似文献
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Lotem Perry-Hazan 《Critical Studies in Education》2019,60(1):73-92
This paper analyzes the challenges embedded in the conflict between the right to accessible education, which implies a prohibition on discriminatory practices in school admission, and the right to adaptable education, which accommodates children’s cultural affiliations. It shows that a normative lens, which examines the ways by which legal rules correspond to conflicting rights and interests, cannot fully capture the tension between legal prohibitions on discrimination in education and the sociocultural norms in religious communities. Thus, the paper offers a socio-legal lens, which focuses on the context of admission policies to Jewish religious schools. Based on three test cases of admission policies to Jewish religious schools in Israel, England, and Flanders, Belgium, the paper demonstrates how the legal rules regulating the admission policies are influenced by social forces. In Israel and England, these forces have facilitated a descent down slippery slope, originating with religious criteria, but concluding with discriminatory criteria. They also shaped admission practices reflecting the asymmetric power relations between the institutional school systems and individual families. The paper highlights the benefits of the Belgian policy, which proscribes religious classification of school candidates. This policy circumvents the ambiguous distinction between religion, ethnicity, and social class, and expands educational choices. 相似文献
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Jonathan Kasler Yousef T. Jabareen 《International Journal of Inclusive Education》2017,21(12):1261-1275
Research comparing special education for Jews and for Palestinian Arabs in Israel outlines major inequalities. This situation has remained largely unchanged for decades and there is little evidential reason to believe there will be improvement in the near future. Palestinian children requiring special education are adversely affected by a combination of institutionalised discrimination and neglect and the implications of living in a traditional society that is reluctant to adopt outlooks necessary for modernising education, particularly for children with special needs. To the best of our knowledge, no overview of special education for the Palestinian minority in Israel has been published in English to date. While change is most likely to occur as a result of effective activism within the Palestinian Arab community, high rates of poverty and political marginalisation remain a daunting obstacle. 相似文献
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李智 《历史教学(高校版)》2009,(6)
美国长期坚持对以色列的"武器限制"政策,实质是保证以色列武器优势的同时,确保中东地区的稳定,不给苏联插手中东的机会。约旦武器问题给美国传统中东武器政策的执行造成了巨大的困难。美国坚决要取得对苏冷战胜利的决心与传统对以色列的国家安全的责任之间出现不可调和的矛盾。在充分权衡全球利益与地区利益的关系之后,美国与以色列进行了艰苦的谈判,最终形成了对阿以的"武器均衡"政策。"武器均衡"政策暂时地帮助美国走出了政策的困境,但是随之产生了更加严重的后果。 相似文献
20.
略论以色列的工业化 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
张倩红 《山西师大学报(社会科学版)》2000,27(3):99-103
以色列是一个地不大、物不博的国家,但１９４８年以来却创造了经济发展的奇迹。在以色列存在着三种工业所有制形式,即国营经济、总工会经济和私营经济。其中,国营经济和总工会经济各占２０－２５％,私营经济占５０％。以色列的工业政策经济了从进口替代到出口导向战略的转变。工业化的成功经验表现在重视科技开发,经济政策的有效调整,以出口贸易带动工业增长等方面。 相似文献