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1.
Lik Sam Chan 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2016,33(2):139-153
The intricate connection between nation branding efforts and the emotions they evoke has been inadequately addressed in existing branding and international relations literature. I propose a heuristic account that theorizes this relationship. By tracing the branding efforts made by China and the de-branding efforts made by Shen Yun Performing Arts (a troupe established by Falun Gong practitioners), I argue that these “authentic” Chinese cultural presentations elicit certain emotions. The emotional works are different for Chinese domestic audiences and for international audiences. I propose a duplex model to account for the emotional processes in these two groups of audiences. Four operating emotions—pride, guilt, admiration, and anger—solidify into various political attitudes toward China. Finally, I discuss the contributions of this duplex model and its further complications. 相似文献
2.
D. Travers Scott 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2016,33(5):424-437
ABSTRACTThis essay addresses Stuart Hall and discourse theory, focusing on his essay “Signification, representation, ideology.” Reflecting upon recent events involving representation and identity—US legalization of gay marriage, murders at a gay nightclub, removal of the “Rebel Flag” from the South Carolina state capitol, Donald Trump’s presidential campaign—I attempt to destabilize the counterproductive dualism of material/discourse in Hall’s critique of poststructural discourse theory. Finding amenability between Hall and Foucaultian discourse theory, I describe Hall’s utility for discourse scholars, such as his perspectives on ideological practices and generation of new discourses as an interventionist act. 相似文献
3.
Christina Neigel 《图书馆管理杂志》2015,55(7):521-534
To grapple with the difficulties of change, LIS literature often turns to a discourse of leadership as a way of gaining an understanding of how change can be effectively and appropriately managed. However, much of this work fails to account for the feminized nature of the profession and the gendered practices that shape the roles of men and women who choose this field. Furthermore, there is an absence of literature that interrogates the ways in which LIS master's programs address gendered practice. Beginning with an examination of how the field of LIS is feminized, I set out to reveal how, within the context of gender, the experience of women who advance in LIS leadership and administrative positions remains poorly understood. I suggest that the adoption of masculinized practices is a response to the devaluation of “women's work” that has historically defined the service ethic of librarianship. This article serves as an example of the ways in which it is possible to interrogate assumptions about leadership. 相似文献
4.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(2):200-214
This study focuses on the negotiation of ethical challenges when reporting HIV/AIDS in Tanzania by investigating how two newspapers, the Daily News and the Guardian, operate in an environment with marked limitations on resources. Interviews with journalists reveal how economic concerns and reluctance to invest money in reporting a disease, now perceived as “old news,” has opened up space for official news sources to gain privileged access to disseminate their messages, shaping the discourse on HIV/AIDS. Organizational news sources use many strategies, including providing a “transport allowance” and offering all-expenses paid trips to the field in order to gain media attention, raising ethical dilemmas for journalists and concerns about the quality of the news that gets published. 相似文献
5.
Andrew Tolson 《The Communication Review》2013,16(4):463-480
Some recent assessments of public communication have demonstrated a concern for “authentic” forms of discourse in public life. This article uses a methodology derived from conversation analysis to examine different forms of public discourse in news interviews. Previous studies taking this approach have outlined the protocols for formal news interviews, but this article also looks at some types of “conversational” news interviewing that are increasingly prevalent in contemporary broadcasting. The modes of address (to the overhearing audience) in these types of interview can be usefully compared to the inclusive, sociable address associated with some genres of popular entertainment. It is suggested that the effect of “communality,” constructed by these conversational forms of talk, might be one factor in the development of new forms of participatory “public‐ness,” around some types of news events. 相似文献
6.
The unsuccessful 2006 reelection campaign of then incumbent Republican senator George Allen of Virginia is employed to discuss the emergent role of blogging in political discourse. We analyze reconstructed interactions between weblog and mainstream media coverage to argue that Allen's use of the racial slur “macaca” was successfully mobilized by progressive Virginia bloggers to create a negative narrative about Allen that was then picked up and echoed in many mainstream media outlets. In this case study, blogs were used as an important site of civil discourse that increasingly influences mainstream media coverage. Bloggers took advantage of changing mores that make it unseemly for high-level public officials to employ racially insensitive comments and effectively mobilized long-standing dramatic elements of a campaign narrative to shape discourse surrounding this Senate election. 相似文献
7.
This article examines one market-based intervention to combat gender discrimination in China, beauty brand SK-II’s #changedestiny campaign, and in particular an accompanying video, Marriage Market Takeover, which attempts to challenge the cultural stigma of “leftover women” (single women over 25). By mobilizing affect and highlighting the self-optimizing subject, SK-II, through the #changedestiny campaign, positions itself as a key instigator of women’s empowerment, and ultimately of not only familial, but also societal, change. In this regard, it follows the logic of what Banet-Weiser and Mukherjee (in Commodity activism: Cultural resistance in neoliberal times [NYU Press, 2012]) call commodity activism, or the merging of consumer behavior with efforts at social change within neoliberal brand culture. However, in a context we call “neo/non-liberal China,” modes of authoritarian and therapeutic governance intersect, and consumer subjects, not consumer citizens, are encouraged. We argue that through offering resistance to, and a resolution situated within familial relationships, the #changedestiny campaign does little to challenge the patriarchal “leftover women” discourse. We further argue that gender discrimination is raised in the #changedestiny campaign as a way to rationalize a neoliberal emphasis on consumption, self-care, and personal fulfillment, and that ultimately gender—as well as class—norms are reaffirmed despite the campaign’s efforts to promote meaningful social change. 相似文献
8.
Eric King Watts 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(3):187-206
This essay argues that the semi-biographical film 8 Mile represents Eminem as being both racially distinctive and as possessing universal commercial appeal. 8 Mile accomplishes this paradoxical construction by portraying “Rabbit” as “white trash,” a discursively “dark” (white) object, and as an American mythological white subject. The film makes whiteness hyper-visible by subjecting it to raced and gendered struggles. Through real and symbolic violence, Rabbit battles “dark” villains and grapples with “dark” women, initiating a rite of passage. The film grounds Eminem's hip hop authenticity in Rabbit's discursive darkness, but attaches to this image the marketable allure of mythic whiteness. I conclude by contemplating how the film's conservatism reifies “blackness.” 相似文献
9.
Marlia Elisabeth Banning 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(3):285-304
Policy debate about global warming has been framed in the public sphere in the manner of most political topics, as a matter of “skeptics” and “supporters,” making it very difficult for many US publics to know what to believe. This essay critically reads a preeminent public policy debate—that of global warming—with a twofold purpose. I first array the extensive commercial and political efforts to manipulate public information about global warming in order to illustrate that this debate is a “disingenuous” or “pseudo-controversy,” which can be seen in the asymmetrical resources, motives, and authority behind the scenes. Second, I ask what institutional and discursive conditions have enabled this moment, in which the ideals of academic freedom and protocols of scientific inquiry hold precarious authority in the public arena, and argue that contemporary critical perspectives on knowledge and truth have been co-opted in public discourse, making it more difficult to intervention in commercial and political efforts to obfuscate and mislead US publics. 相似文献
10.
Paul D. Turman 《Communication Studies》2013,64(4):266-271
This article examines the speeches of John F. Kennedy and Richard M. Nixon regarding the “religious” issue at the 1960 Alfred E. Smith Memorial Dinner. It argues that both men used comic strategies to create a more inclusive American covenant and emphasizes the importance of examining both the pragmatic and cultural implications of presidential campaign rhetoric. 相似文献
11.
Michael Serazio 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2016,33(2):181-194
The term “anti-establishment” has witnessed a revealing rise in recent American political discourse. Combining textual analysis of news coverage and speeches with in-depth interviews with dozens of consultants involved in the encoding of mediated political communication, this research analyzes and critiques its deployment and significance in Republican campaign messaging. Mapping the contours of this rhetorical strategy, a typology of four dimensions of tension emerges: insurrection versus order; populism versus insider power; real America versus elitism; and purity versus compromise. As an exercise in critical political communication, the argument concludes that “anti-establishment” rhetoric seeks to stoke and co-opt resentment while effacing powerful, privileged economic interests. 相似文献
12.
ABSTRACTThe #MeToo movement, which engulfed much of India's news and entertainment industry in October 2018, was projected by many as a watershed moment for Indian journalism. Driven largely through social media activism, it created significant public discourse and outcry, leading to the “outing” and resignation of many journalists. This paper explores the perception of #MeTooIndia in regional and national newsrooms. Drawing on Manuel Castells's ideas of networked social movement, we consider the origins of #MeTooIndia, including its mediation on private and social networks. We then draw on 257 semi-structured interviews with journalists working in 14 languages across India to explore the “cause” of the campaign—the prevalence of sexual harassment and sexual violence in workspaces—before turning our attention to the impact, or potential for impact, that journalists saw in it. We find most journalists felt the movement was “good”, but did not think it influenced their environment or newswork in any meaningful manner. Regional journalists expressed more pessimism about the #MeTooIndia, men more so than women. 相似文献
13.
Sanford Berman 《Cataloging & classification quarterly》2017,55(6):347-360
In this interview, Sanford (“Sandy”) Berman discusses his career and his efforts to promote responsive, user-friendly cataloging practices over uncritical deference to prevailing standards. Topics covered include his work at Hennepin County Library, his thoughts on the campaign to change the subject heading “Illegal aliens,” his ongoing practice of proposing new Library of Congress Subject Headings, and his relationship with the Library of Congress. 相似文献
14.
Nicole Emily Hurt 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(4):376-398
The discursive construction of “baby brain” functions to legitimize gender stereotypes and deflect attention from a host of material conditions that influence how women experience pregnancy and motherhood. This essay focuses on how the baby brain myth gains public legitimacy by tracing and analyzing its recent emergence in both scientific and mass mediated discourse. I argue that the myth gained legitimacy through a rhetoric of significance—one that conflates statistical significance and functional significance—that operates in both science and media discourse. In the conclusion, I offer an alternative interpretation of baby brain's cause, one that highlights the social structures that make pregnancy and motherhood difficult. 相似文献
15.
16.
Anna Cornelia Fahey 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):132-150
French leaders met the September 2002 announcement of preemptive U.S. military action in Iraq with open disapproval. Thereafter, in the build-up to the “Iraq war,” as U.S. military strikes began in 2003 and continued in 2004, France became the target of nationalistic attacks in the United States. Building on this anti-French sentiment, George W. Bush's 2004 presidential campaign used narratives that cast Frenchness as feminine, assigning “Frenchness” to Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry—and thereby characterizing him as unfit for the White House. Specifically, political conservatives sought to strip Kerry of the masculine qualities perceived necessary to serve as president of the United States. Analysis of American political and media discourse from September 2002 to November 2004 shows that the 2004 presidential campaign came to be defined in substantial part by nationalistic and sexist political communications that capitalized upon and reinscribed patterns and norms of hegemonic masculinity while also feminizing and devaluing dissent in times of war. 相似文献
17.
Sarah Stevens 《The Communication Review》2014,17(3):256-268
To date, feminists have conflated (and continue to conflate) historical understandings of bondage, discipline, dominance and submission, and sadomasochism (BDSM) as pathological and representations of BDSM in literature and popular media with the lived experiences of feminist BDSM practitioners. Feminist BDSM practitioner Madison Young’s pornographic film 50 Shades of Dylan Ryan (2012) takes the recent resurgence of the ongoing debate on women, submission, and popular literature as a starting point for reconsideration and possibility. By adapting the discourse surrounding 50 Shades of Grey, Young’s pornographic film points to the ways in which feminism also contributes to that which makes pleasure possible. Young’s film reimagines the dualities that have traditionally dominated feminist cultural critique through concepts the author calls “mediated authenticity” and “formal simultaneity.” Beginning with a brief, rigorous examination of the 50 Shades of Grey phenomenon, this article analyzes Madison Young’s 50 Shades of Dylan Ryan and seeks to provide a critical intervention in feminist studies of pornography and popular culture. 相似文献
18.
Glenn Masuchika 《College & Undergraduate Libraries》2015,22(1):61-75
One can think of one-shot library instruction sessions as a way to introduce the academic library's resources to first-year students to help them with their research. These classes can also be thought of as an opportunity to “sell” the entire library and its resources to the student. This article will propose suggestions that can be adopted by library instruction librarians based on the recommendations and practices of business marketing practitioners and entrepreneurs who depend on one-shot “selling” meetings to convince their audience to “buy” their wares. 相似文献
19.
文章从档案开发利用的主体及受众角度,对档案开发利用参与者从古代具有"君本位、相对单一",到近代"官学并行、史学界作用凸显",再到当下"参与者范围逐步扩大、‘以人为本’成为最主要的指导思想"等特点进行阐述,并着重对当下档案开发利用参与者进行分析,在此基础上从"将受众纳入社会档案资源建设及开发利用的主体中""理论研究主体与实践主体有效结合""‘以人为本’,扩大视野"三个角度提出当下档案开发利用的努力方向。 相似文献
20.
“众筹”概念诞生于十年前,目前在中国已被学界和业界熟知,并已进入官方话语体系。但是“众筹”和出版相结合的运作方式仍属新鲜事物,仍需在理论上和实践中探索。本文从迈克尔?波特提出的产业价值链的视角出发,运用知乎网的“众筹”出版行为、乐嘉的众筹图书营销等多案例分析的方法,尝试说明“众筹”出版模式如何将产业价值链改造为产业价值网,如何改变终端产品形态,以及如何重塑读者的角色和作用。还提出出版众筹遇到的阻力和发展瓶颈,包括“众筹”平台自身的原因,以及出版机构中体制和思路的限制。 相似文献