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周顺 《阜阳师范学院学报(社会科学版)》2013,(6):90-94
联邦主义是一个极具开放性与实验性的概念。现代联邦主义以“自治”与“共治”为原则,衍生出联邦、邦联、同盟等六种制度类型。本文通过梳理联邦主义的结构与功能,指出联邦主义并不限于政府层级间的权力分割关系,而是一整套关于防止权力集中的完备系统。现代西方民主制度的“三套马车”——人民主权、联邦制度、三权分立——都是联邦主义的不同面相。 相似文献
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联邦主义与欧洲一体化 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
联邦主义作为一种具有悠久思想渊源的政治一体化理论 ,主张一体化实行联邦制形式 ,通过制定一部联邦宪法和建立超国家性的机构框架 ,实现中央机构和地方机构的权力制衡 ,以便维持国家或地区的和平与稳定。它极力倡导欧洲的政治联合向超国家的欧洲联邦或欧洲合众国迈进。联邦主义的思想主张在战后欧洲一体化实践中进行了许多尝试 ,虽然其实质性进展并不突出 ,但对欧洲一体化进程产生了重要影响 相似文献
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权力是政治的重要组成部分,有效的权力结构是国家机构赖以生存的基本条件.,文章介绍了美国历史上中央与地方关系的纵向权力机构演变有三个代表性时期即二元联邦制政府主导制和新联邦主义;美国中央与地方纵向权力结构演变过程中又有四个典型的特征即自主主义传统,法理主义权威渐进主义改革和冲突合作并存;一个国家在处理其中央与地方关系的问题时必须注意三个问题即中央全能与自治神话的问题,文化传统与制度神话的问题和政府扩展与权力神话的问题. 相似文献
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康德是人类思想史上伟大的哲学家,其哲学思想对整个人类思想诸领域的发展都产生了深远影响,但是他对欧洲问题的思考却较少被人提及。本文就阐述康德的“欧洲观念”来挖掘他对于联邦主义思想的贡献,以追溯“欧洲一体化”理论的渊源。 相似文献
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杨二奎 《漯河职业技术学院学报》2012,11(1):43-45
美国宪法构建了一个联邦主义的国家结构。这种国家结构对于刚刚独立的美国民众来说,无疑是一种崭新而又陌生的政治制度。联邦主义的支持者通过理性精神和论证技术成功地阐明了这种崭新政治制度的优越性,即体现了民主、满足了民众政府的要求以及限制了权力的使用。总之,它具备了一个良好政府应当具备的要素。 相似文献
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在民初政争中,进步党知识分子以《庸言》杂志为阵地,秉持"稳健主义"立场,在对抗激进民权势力的同时企图引导袁世凯官僚派势力。他们一方面提倡"开明专制"精神;另一方面又要求保持不同政治势力之间的互相对抗。在制度规划上,他们力求平衡立法与行政部门的关系,倾向"有限度之内阁制",主张给袁世凯保留一定权力。进步党知识分子的这种"稳健主义"政治主张是他们为民初政治转型所规划的理想路径,虽未能实践,但在思想史上仍有其重要意义。 相似文献
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孙风华 《南京师范大学文学院学报》2012,(2):26-33
章太炎“群学”观的基本特征可概括为“新个体主义”,即对儒家传统群体主义思想束缚的突破与对西方“公理群体主义”压迫的反抗的结合。章太炎“群学”观既抵制和消解东西方群体主义思想权威,又力求维持“群”与“独”的对立统一与平衡协调的关系。 相似文献
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熊在高 《湘潭师范学院学报(社会科学版)》2003,25(2):16-20
“9·11”事件的确改变了人们的思维 ,值得人类长久地反思。“9·11”事件的根源在于现代性本身 ,其实质是 ,在全球化进程中 ,两种极端文化普遍主义之间的严重对抗。面对全球化趋势和世界的多元文化共处这个事实 ,走出“9·11”事件所反映的人类面临的困境 ,全球联邦的构想有着特别的价值。当然 ,全球联邦的合理建设肯定是一个需要人类大智慧和付出艰辛劳动的长期过程。当务之急是 ,加强各民族国家、各文明之间的平等交往与对话 ,努力推进现代文化及其制度的创新 ,最大程度地实现社会公正和全球公正 相似文献
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张继才 《华中师范大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2012,51(3):95-103
中央集权与地方分权之争是民国政治生活中的一个焦点,李大钊对此问题的思索就是一个缩影.在袁世凯统治时期,他抨击省界之见,赞成中央集权,其政治主张接近旧立宪党人;在段祺瑞当政时期,他反对专制主义,转向地方分权,其政治主张与国民系一致,具有联邦主义倾向;在联省自治前后,他弘扬民主自由,揭橥联邦主义,其政治思想也进一步升华.可以说,民国成立以来,他的思想经历了从主张单一制的中央集权到主张单一制下的地方分权,再到主张联邦主义的变化.其思想演变折射出民国政争的波谲云诡,并与民初以来地方政治思潮上升的趋势相吻合.不同的是,在五四时期,李大钊的思想得到了升华,不仅与资产阶级联邦主义有着本质的区别,而且其国家结构思想极具特色.他的立论基础先是联治主义,后是平民主义,在当时都与众不同;他对联邦制国家结构的偏爱甚于其他主张联邦制的早期马克思主义者;他批判资产阶级联省自治派,但不反对联邦制度,他对联邦制的设计与中共“二大”的构想有所不同;他对世界联邦主义的设想也独树一帜.这些都体现出李大钊国家结构观鲜明的个性特征. 相似文献
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葛音 《内蒙古大学学报(人文社会科学版)》2011,(4):36-41
加拿大联邦制在建立之初是一种＂准联邦制＂,其特点是各省权力从属于中央。在英国枢密院司法委员会的司法解释的作用下,它逐渐转变为两级政府权力互不从属的＂标准联邦制＂形态。这一过程是以一种相对平稳的方式进行的,是对加拿大联邦制下政府间权限划分的一种较为成功的调节,并在很大程度上保证了加拿大宪法的尊严和制度的稳定性。 相似文献
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Glenn C. Savage 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(6):833-850
AbstractThis paper explores the repositioning of state curriculum agencies in response to the establishment of the Australian Curriculum and the key national policy organisation responsible for its development: the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA). I begin with an analysis of the federal Labor government’s role in the early years of the Australian Curriculum reform, arguing that Labor was afforded a rare window of political opportunity that enabled the fundamental restructuring of curriculum policy at the national level, and which has significantly altered intergovernmental and inter-agency relationships. Following this, I engage with research literature that has sought to theorise the changing nature of Australian federalism in relation to schooling reform. I then present an empirical analysis based on interviews with policy-makers in ACARA and curriculum agencies in four Australian states (Western Australia, New South Wales, Queensland and Victoria). My analysis draws attention to three dominant trends: powerful new roles for ACARA in driving national reform and inter-agency collaboration; increased policy overlap and blurred lines of responsibility; and an uneven playing field of intergovernmental and inter-agency relationships and powers. I conclude by considering the implications of emerging reform trends for conceptualising the shifting dynamics of federalism in Australia and beyond. 相似文献
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国家结构理论是随西方民族国家成长和政治学旧制度主义方法论的产物.在全球的制度变迁中,该理论越来越不能真实地反映各国变迁中的中央-地方关系.本文呼吁我国宪法学界和政治学界重新认识传统的国家结构理论和单一制联邦制的理论价值,主张以蕴涵明确的"政府间关系"代替含糊不清的"国家结构形式"之说,方法论上在基于宪法规定的政治关系描述的基础上更多地进行动态的政治-经济过程研究,以便我们澄清事实性和法条性政府间关系. 相似文献
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抗战胜利前后,中共认真考虑使中国成为沟通美苏之“桥梁”。美出于使中国成为“大国”政策,一度曾积极调处国共矛盾。但“大国”的实质是反苏反共之“屏障”,所扶核心只能是国民党,即使明知其必将为中国革命所推翻。面对“推翻”现实,美虽推出“灵活”政策,寻求与中共建立某种“承认”关系的可能,但囿于其顽固的意识形态,终不愿断绝与台湾的外交关系,并终将中共推向与苏结盟的“一边倒”轨道,尽管这是一个历史合力的作用结果。 相似文献
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National curriculum and federalism: the Australian experience 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Catherine Harris‐Hart 《Journal of educational administration and history》2010,42(3):295-313
Whilst the past 35 years have seen numerous attempts at national curriculum collaboration in Australia, these have invariably failed largely due to the constitutional reality that the States have responsibility for curriculum. Federal government involvement in curriculum can only be achieved, therefore, with the consent of the States. To achieve this, in 2008 the Rudd Federal government passed the Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA) Act (2008) which legislated the establishment of ACARA, a national education authority which brought together, for the first time ‘the functions of curriculum, assessment and reporting at the national level’ (Julia Gillard, media release, 2008). Among its mandates, ACARA is responsible for the development of national curriculum, one of the key election platforms on which the current Rudd Federal Labor government was elected in November 2007. Whilst the ACARA Act appears on the surface to represent unprecedented intergovernmental collaboration and a transition to co‐operative federalism; cracks in this co‐operative veneer are starting to appear. In this article I draw on critical theory to examine three varied forms of Federal–State relations spanning three different eras, as they relate to issues of national curriculum – those of corporate federalism, coercive federalism and co‐operative federalism. Specifically, I will argue that the ACARA Act is not an instrument of co‐operative federalism but rather a euphemism for a continued reliance on a new, more subtle form of coercive federalism as a means to ‘deliver’ national curriculum in Australia. 相似文献
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民族国家形成和发展的历程中,地方主义和联邦主义形成了一种新型互动关系:地方主义的新发展,使民族国家构建有了新的制度形式;联邦主义的思想和制度,保障和规范地方主义在民族国家内的发展空间.1910年代的中国,新的民族国家构建及其制度选择是当时迫切的政治主题.而地方主义则是当时中国联邦主义思想和制度实践的社会基础和政治原动力.其结果形成新国家构建中制度选择的博弈、权变和路径依赖. 相似文献
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民主共和、有限政府、议会制、联邦制、总统制等政治思想及制度构成了美国政治制度的核心内容。一个国家的政体设计和选择,很大程度上是这个国家的历史文化、政治传统、时代背景、地理环境等综合因素的产物。建国纲领、政治传统、经济模式、国家架构、政党关系、领袖影响六大因素在美国联邦总统共和制政体形成的历史路径中起着决定性的作用。 相似文献
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ABSTRACTThis paper accepts that the OECD’s PISA has become influential in policy terms globally, but analyses the ways that the main PISA and PISA for Schools tests are positioned differently in Australia and the USA because of contrasting educational federalisms in the two nations. Our argument is that while PISA is undoubtedly influential, its effects are nonetheless mediated by the political structures – here, the different models of federalism – present within different nations, which in turn leads to quite distinct ‘PISA effects’. For instance, Australia oversamples on main PISA to make its data available for national and state-level policymaking, whereas the USA, with its focus on local governance in schooling, does not oversample, meaning that main PISA does not have a comparable policy salience as in Australia. Conversely, the newer PISA for Schools test originated in the USA with pressure from educators and philanthropic interests and has been implemented in a good number of schools, but it has not been taken up in the same way in Australia. Our analyses show how these differences reflect the idiosyncratic workings of federalism in the two nations, in which the federal government has a stronger policy and funding role in Australia than has hitherto been the case for the federal government in the USA. 相似文献
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迟晓东 《黑龙江教育学院学报》2005,24(4):98-99
俄罗斯是世界上拥有最多联邦主体的联邦国家,其联邦体制是不成熟的制度,它所表现出来的形式和内容都是极其复杂和独特的。俄罗斯联邦制构成的复杂性、联邦主体的非均衡性、宪法—条约联邦模式以及俄总统驻俄联邦区全权代表制度都体现出俄罗斯联邦制的特殊性。同时,这种特殊的制度也面临着各种挑战。 相似文献
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Jaekyung Lee 《教育政策杂志》2013,28(1):73-93
This study tracks American states’ policy choices under the No Child Left Behind Act and explores their consequences for student achievement. Using the path analysis of relationships among state‐level policy input, context, and outcome variables, the study portrays a Halloween‐like ‘trick‐or‐treating’ game between the federal and state governments in the new ecology of the test‐driven education accountability system. States that chose the ‘trick’ path with a calculative policy negotiation and manipulation strategy made significant gains on their own state assessments but not on the national assessment. In contrast, states that followed the ‘treat’ path with a faithful policy implementation for funding strategy have not yet brought about significant gains on either the national or state assessments. The first‐generation accountability states with a prior history of high‐stakes testing tended to employ both strategies at the same time. However, neither effective illusion nor ineffective implementation serves the goal of long‐term, sustainable academic improvement. Implications for research and policy are discussed. 相似文献