共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Paul Rout 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2011,23(3):205-215
In 1219 an encounter took place between a Christian from Italy, Francis of Assisi, and the Muslim Sultan of Egypt, al-Malik al-Kāmil. This meeting took place at Damietta in northern Egypt during the progress of the Fifth Crusade. Over a period of perhaps three weeks, religious dialogue took place between Francis and al-Kāmil, after which time the Sultan had Francis escorted safely back to the Christian camp. It is possible to discern from the writings of Francis after his return from Egypt that the meeting had had a deep religious impact upon him, realised in the latter years of his life. It can be said that both Francis and al-Kāmil experienced through their encounter what the Christian theologian Bernard Lonergan has spoken of as a conversion into a new horizon. The historical encounter between Francis and the Sultan witnesses to the fact that through religious conversion, it is possible for members of different religious faiths to arrive at a common vision of universal peace and reconciliation. 相似文献
2.
François Soyer 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2006,18(2):129-143
This article examines the social status of manumitted Muslim slaves in the Christian kingdoms of León, Castile and Portugal between 1100 and 1300. Modern historians had largely overlooked this social group of which very little is known. Using both law codes and other surviving Latin and Arabic documents from the period, the author examines the process of manumission. Emancipation did not mean complete freedom. A freedman emancipated conditionally could continue to be bound to serve his owner, depending on the particular terms of the contract. Furthermore, according to the legal codes, even if a freedman or freedwoman was manumitted unconditionally by his or her owner, they would continue to suffer legal disabilities due to their previous condition. The end result was that freedmen formed an intermediate social and legal category, no longer servile but neither completely free. 相似文献
3.
Charles L. Tieszen 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(1):21-33
Ninth-century treatises written by Eulogius (d. 859) and Paulus Alvarus (fl. ninth century) have been studied in some detail for their anti-Muslim rhetoric and for what they have to say about a group of ninth-century martyrs killed in Córdoba, Spain. Less attention is given to how the authors pair their views of Christian mission with what one of them refers to as “holy cruelty”. With this in mind, this study examines how Eulogius’ construction of Islam as a Christian heresy informed his view of mission. Building off of this, we will also examine how Alvarus saw his notion of hatred for the enemies of God as a justified means for engaging Muslims. 相似文献
4.
Jarbel Rodriguez 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2010,22(3):315-324
The conversion of Christians to Islam caused significant anxiety in the Crown of Aragón in the later middle ages. Some of this fear was caused by genuine concern over the eternal salvation of the convert, but there were other reasons as well. This article looks at three distinct causes that served to foster and maintain this fear of conversion. First, Christian authorities sometimes purposefully used the spectre of Christians converting to Islam to galvanise support for some of their political, diplomatic, and military initiatives. Secondly, apostates posed a significant spiritual danger to those Christians who lived as minorities in Muslim regions. Finally, converts presented a danger to the Crown of Aragón from a practical and military point of view. 相似文献
5.
Anthony Minnema 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2019,31(1):1-19
In 1145–1146, Sayf al-Dawla returned to al-Andalus to create an independent kingdom and return the Banū Hūd of Zaragoza to prominence. His task was a difficult one, not least because he’d spent a decade serving the Christian king Alfonso VII. After a year of campaigning, Sayf al-Dawla secured a base of support in Murcia. However, he died shortly after his coronation in a battle with Christian allies who were allegedly sent by Alfonso to help him. In addition to providing an explanation for the battle and his death, the article examines how Sayf al-Dawla promoted the legitimacy of his state through his coinage, adherence to Andalusī traditions, and a network of fellow exiles. It interprets the Zaragozan ?ā’ifa as a moveable faction rather than a fixed geographical entity and connects Sayf al-Dawla’s kingdom to later movements to demonstrate how his actions preserved the Banū Hūd’s prestige in Andalusī imaginations. 相似文献
6.
Alwyn Harrison 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(1):35-51
This article seeks primarily to call for a reappraisal of Richard Bulliet's well-known “curve of conversion” and of its interpretation, for it has been largely misinterpreted. It is argued, with particular reference to the Christian experience in al-Andalus, that reading the data as Bulliet intended could have a significant effect on how we view the historical process of conversion in the early Islamic world. Thus, since Bulliet's data do not support the prevailing view regarding Christianity's survival under Muslim rule in the Iberian Peninsula, it is proposed that the evidence available in the particularly weak historical record for this period and place is enough to warrant reconsideration of the nature and length of that survival. 相似文献
7.
LINDA ROSS 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2003,15(2):149-159
Recent historians have suggested that the involvement of the western emperor, Frederick II, in the kingdom of Jerusalem during the 1220s was regarded with concern by the Latin Christian inhabitants of the Holy Land. However, this study seeks to review the evidence pertaining specifically to that decade and to suggest that our understanding of the Franks' image of the emperor at that time has been largely coloured by hostile assessments made by contemporaries after the crusade of 1228–1229. First, Philip of Novara's account of the emperor trying to leave Acre secretly, but being spotted and ldquo;pelted... with tripe and with bits of meat”, has created an enduring impression of Frankish animosity towards Frederick. This has been compounded by patriarch Gerold of Jerusalem's vitriolic condemnation of Frederick made after the conclusion of the Treaty of Jaffa in February 1229. The effect of these attacks has been to skew modern perceptions of Frederick's reception in the Holy Land in 1228. However, an examination of the evidence for relations between the Latin East and the western empire before Frederick's arrival in the Holy Land suggests that such a negative interpretation of the Franks' attitude towards Frederick needs to be dramatically revised. The traditional view of Frederick's marriage to the heiress of the kingdom of Jerusalem, Isabella, is that it was a western initiative foisted on the Latins in the East to encourage the emperor's fulfilment of his crusade vow and that the Frankish barons then had to endure imperial attempts to assert alien rights and privileges in their territories. In other words, he was deeply unwelcome. However, it is plain that a significant body of the Franks strenuously sought to encourage Frederick's active participation in the politics of the Latin East during the 1220s in the interests of the survival of the kingdom of Jerusalem. The Frankish leaders then established a unique relationship with the western emperor. Even during the fraught period of Frederick's stay in the Latin East, a number of the Syrian barons continued to recognise the emperor's authority and supported his rule in the kingdom. 相似文献
8.
Ulisse Cecini 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2013,25(3):331-344
AbstractThis article sets out to be a concise account of Mark of Toledo's Qur?ān translation. It will be structured as follows: first, it will provide information about when and in what circumstances it was realised. Second, it will present some examples, which will show Mark's way of translating and transferring form and content of the Qur?ān for his Latin-speaking Christian audience. Mark mostly translates words consistently throughout the text, and also tries to translate words derived from the same Arabic root with root-related Latin words. Moreover, he does not usually try to convey the semantic nuances a word may have, seemingly not paying attention to the context, but translating with a standard, basic meaning of the word. (This observation should be taken as a tendency and not as a rule, as the excursus at the end will illustrate.) Nevertheless, Mark does not violate the grammar of the Latin language. Despite his fidelity to the text, Mark's Christian cultural background sometimes influences the translation. In the conclusion, the features of Mark's translation will be set out in relation to the cultural and political activity of its commissioner, the Archbishop of Toledo Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada. 相似文献
9.
10.
María de la Paz Estevez 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(3):293-308
The conquest of Toledo by Alfonso VI (r. 1065–1109) in 1085 opened a period of transformation and restructure in the traditional patterns that had organised the former taifa. While some scholars state that, in the early years of the Christian conquest, the traditional features of the Muslim civilisation endured, it is the aim of this article to discuss to what extent it is possible to admit a real continuity in everyday practices, taking as a prism the experience of the Mozarab community of the city. Our hypothesis is that, under the apparent continuities, a process of transformation began, through which new feudal relations managed to infiltrate the previous forms of organisation of land, taxes and religion in order to undermine their basis and make them conform to northern patterns, applying policies of segregation and cooptation. 相似文献
11.
Jesse Hysell 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2012,24(2):139-156
The goal of this essay is to call attention to some of the more positive and ambivalent depictions of Muslims in a set of historical texts associated with the Norman takeover of Sicily in the fifth/eleventh and sixth/twelfth centuries. To achieve that aim, it considers social vocabulary applied to Muslims in five sources written by Amatus of Montecassino, Geoffrey Malaterra, William of Apulia, Alexander of Telese, and Hugo Falcandus. Although recent scholarship has posited that medieval identity was often felt through a “self versus other” or “Christian versus non-Christian” dichotomy, this essay questions the notion that the actual language contained in these sources ever devolved into such simplistic, binary terms. On the contrary, though the perceptions and definitions applied to this group of people were, admittedly, sometimes based on uninformed stereotypes, they were more often deliberately constructed images that were highly dependent on the cultural milieu in which they were created. 相似文献
12.
Sarit Shalev-Eyni 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2006,18(2):145-160
The legend of Solomon's special ability to control demons originated in Jewish-Hellenistic circles and became widespread in later Judaic, Islamic and Christian culture. In the Qur’ān, as well as in the earlier Babylonian Talmud and other rabbinic sources, the legend was adopted with a clear tendency to avoid the pragmatic demonic aspects of the story. In a similar vein, Qur’ānic commentators presented the relations between Solomon and the demons as an expression of the supernatural rule of the king over the cosmos and ignored his shameful end. The inclusion of the legend in the most sacred canonical text of Islam, and its connotation of eternity may explain the frequent representation in Muslim art. On the other hand, the avoidance by the Christian establishment authorities and the relegation to profane literature mocking the king may account for its absence in western official art. A combination between the high and low aspects of Solomon is seen in an illuminated medieval Hebrew Mahzor from South Germany. The divine aspect of Solomon as he appears in the Mahzor is paralleled in the Muslim examples. These similarities are the result of close textual traditions deriving from the same sources. Yet a possible pictorial testimony linking East and West may be discerned in the Ottoman illuminated Book of Suleiman, possibly based on a western tradition. 相似文献
13.
Kevin James Lewis 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2015,27(2):119-152
The widespread use of Arabic in the “crusader” county of Tripoli was an obstacle between the Latin Christian Franks and their indigenous subjects. The concept of diglossia – the co-existence of divergent high and low registers within a single language – is an important but under-appreciated consideration. Arabic's marked diglossia militates against simplistic generalisations that the Franks either did or did not learn Arabic. The Romance-speaking, Latin-writing conquerors of the county of Tripoli failed to learn formal written Arabic to any appreciable degree. They did, however, learn informal spoken Arabic with more success. The Franks recognised the importance and utility of Arabic, so felt obliged to employ intermediaries – usually local Christians – to speak and write on their behalf. Some Arabic vocabulary entered the Frankish lexicon, but the consciously Latinising style of clerical authors often obscured this. Most surviving written sources from the Latin East are misleading at best, and sometimes deliberately so. 相似文献
14.
Bernard Hamilton 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2011,23(2):117-124
Partly because the First Crusade had weakened the Seljuk Sultanate in 1097–1099, David III of Georgia was able to extend his power over much of the Caucasus. The rulers of the Crusader States who stood in need of Eastern Christian allies sought to co-operate with him. Yet although some Western knights served in his army, the practical difficulties of co-ordinating joint action against the Islamic powers of north Syria and Anatolia in the twelfth century proved insuperable. In the thirteenth century the Georgian crown offered an alliance to the leaders of the Fifth Crusade: their forces would attack the northern provinces of the Ayyūbid Empire while the crusaders were invading Egypt. This strategy was sound, but the rise of the Mongol Empire prevented it from being implemented. Nevertheless, the desire for military collaboration between Georgia and the Western powers persisted until the mid-fifteenth century. 相似文献
15.
While a great many studies have dealt with medieval poetry, they have failed to discuss the poetry of longing (?anīn) as a separate genre, independent of other genres, especially elegies (in particular poems that lament the fate of cities) and poems of salvation and lament. Nor has any study so far undertaken a comparison between works of this genre by Muslim and by Jewish poets.In this article, we shall discuss the growth of the poetry of longing in Muslim Spain and provide a number of examples of verses composed by Muslim and Jewish poets who were born in the cities of Andalusia and shared a common fate: many of them were persecuted for a variety of reasons and forced into a life of wandering and exile, and suffered banishment, imprisonment and torture. The ways they expressed their longing for their native cities possessed similarities but also differences, depending on the way each such poet perceived the land of the west and the scenes of his native city. The differences were particularly marked with respect to the way Jewish poets viewed the cities in which they had been born. 相似文献
16.
Anna McSweeney 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2011,23(3):155-169
This paper examines the role played by the availability of tin in the development of a commercial, glazed ceramics industry in the medieval workshops of Paterna, in eastern Spain. Tin was an essential ingredient that was used by potters since the ninth century in Iraq to make ceramic glazes opaque. However, it is a relatively scarce raw material, which had to be sourced and imported by many potters; in this paper I explore these possible sources of tin, from the Far East to Iberia and south-west England. Although many factors contributed to the development of a ceramics industry in eastern Spain in the medieval period, I argue that one hitherto overlooked and important stimulus was the expansion of the trade in tin from south-west England – Devon and Cornwall – to the Mediterranean. 相似文献
17.
Tehmina Goskar 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2011,23(3):189-204
As scholars of people's physical environments, we tend to view the past according to our own forms of categorisation rather than those of contemporaries. From a medieval Mediterranean perspective, the fragmentation of scholarship caused by modern disciplinary constraints—Islamic, Byzantine, Western—has artificially set apart cultures which had more in common than has hitherto been acknowledged. This is a comparative study of the dress and textile cultures of southern Italy, particularly Apulia, Egypt and the Fatimid Caliphate and regions in the Byzantine Empire, as recorded in dowries, wills and other documents. This article also demonstrates how using the Mediterranean as a framework for comparison allows us to identify new areas where cultural differences really lay. 相似文献
18.
The fall of Islamic Jerusalem to the crusaders during the first Crusade created a sense of agitation and anger amongst Muslims as Islamic Jerusalem had been under their rule for centuries before. A considerable number of scholars have pointed at the Fā?imids as the main cause of the fall of Islamic Jerusalem, claiming that the region would not have fallen had it not been for the alliance and collaboration between the Fā?imids and the crusaders. This article is an attempt to present a critical analysis of the historical narratives of Muslim and non-Muslim historians who have continued to accuse the Fā?imids of collaborating with the crusaders and depict them as the main cause of the fall of Islamic Jerusalem during the first Crusade. It also tries to answer the following two questions. Did the Fā?imids really invite the crusaders to invade al-Sham? And is it true that the Fā?imids misunderstood the crusaders’ aims and targets? 相似文献
19.
Natasha Hodgson 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2005,17(1):61-85
Historical narratives of the crusades and Latin settlement in the Levant, like other medieval literature, provide slim details about women. In medieval society Latin literary education was dominated by a predominantly male and ecclesiastical hierarchy, which reflected the views of a patriarchal social system and marginalised the public role of women. Crusade narratives in particular have been criticised for their negative attitude towards women, mirroring a lack of ecclesiastical enthusiasm at their involvement in the crusade movement. Histories about crusading and events in the Latin East were often written for, and in some cases by, the lay nobility who took part in crusades and settled in the holy land. These texts were sometimes used as propaganda to encourage nobles to take the cross, and much of the imagery within them had didactic elements. In the case of women, they provided models for behaviour according to social and marital status. A consistently negative portrayal of women was doubtless impossible due to the number of important noblewomen who took the cross, and their value in cementing political alliances between western Europe and the Latin East through marriage. This article contends that it is the complex links between crusade narratives and the nobility, in terms of participation and patronage, audience, subject matter and values – crusade as a “noble” pursuit – which helps to explain the discrepancy between established ecclesiastical views and the portrayal of women in historical narratives about crusading and settlement in the East. In order to establish this idea effectively, several main themes must be addressed, including the role of crusade texts within the context of contemporary noble culture, and crusade narratives as source material for noble values concerning women. To begin, however, it is necessary to provide some background on attitudes towards women and crusade, as well as the concept of nobility and the noblewoman's place in medieval society. 相似文献