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1.
信任是社会秩序建立的基础,其主要形态包括人际信任、社会信任和政治信任。大众传播媒介对信任的各种形态都具有不同程度的影响,以往关于媒介使用与政治信任、社会信任的影响关系的研究多有涉及。研究通过问卷调查,试图探究报纸、电视、网络、手机等不同媒介使用和媒介依赖与信任评价内在影响关系。研究发现,就信任评价而言,较之社会信任、政治信任,人际信任目前依然在中国社会信任中占据主要位置;就媒介使用与信任评价而言,无论是对人际信任、社会信任还是政治信任评价,网络、手机等新媒体对信任评价的影响远高于作为传统媒介的电视与报纸;但就媒介依赖而言,报纸、电视、网络、手机媒介依赖与人际信任、社会信任变量各指标无显著相关,但是与政治信任呈显著相关。此外,对于人际信任和社会信任评价,媒介使用各变量对信任评价的预测力超过媒介依赖变量对信任评价的预测力;而对于政治信任评价,媒介依赖各变量对信任评价的预测力远超于媒介使用。  相似文献   

2.
最近有许多文章在研究传媒经济,但文中似乎很少涉及传媒经济与国民经济的关系问题,有一种可能:目前还有不少人对传媒经济与经济发展的关系、对传媒的作用与传媒经济的地位问题认识并不十分清楚,或者说是不准确、不充分、不切实际。因此,讨论传媒经济与经济发展的关系问  相似文献   

3.
近几年来,传媒与司法的关系渐成了热门话题。传媒司法监督与公正司法的关系问题更吸引了媒体与司法两大领域众多人士的关注,不同观点的碰撞也非常鲜明。其中,观点最为歧异的是:传媒司法监督与公正司法之间的关系,是否主要是一种互相排斥、冲突的关系。 先看看否认传媒监督司法的必要性与有效性的论者是如何界定这一关系的。有影响的法学家苏力在《法治及其本土资源》一书中谈到加强舆论的司法监  相似文献   

4.
常凌翀 《今传媒》2006,(2):56-57
传媒公信力一直是国内外大众传播学的一个重要研究领域。国内学者认为,媒介公信力是指"传媒能够获得受众信赖的能力,它通过传媒及其提供的以新闻报道为主的信息产品(包括广告)被受众认可、信任乃至赞美的程度而得到反映"。这一定义着重从传播学的角度阐释传媒与受众的关系,形成  相似文献   

5.
吕朋 《新闻世界》2014,(11):194-195
传媒公信力是公众对于传媒的信任程度,也可以理解为传媒获得公众信任的能力。它是公众与传媒互动的结果,同时受到政治、经济、科技、文化等社会环境的影响。只有建立在理性基础之上的公信力才能对传媒功能的发挥产生积极影响,才能对社会进步稳定和谐发挥积极的促进作用。构建理性传媒公信力的主体不仅仅是传媒,还包括公众与政府。传媒是构建传媒公信力的主导力量,公众是构建理性传媒公信力的决定力量,政府是构建传媒公信力的重要力量。三大主体的努力不是各自为政,而是相互影响,互为一体的。  相似文献   

6.
本文是基于"政府与乡村居民间的距离"课题所做的实证研究。在对中国中西部五省份的基层政府和农村政治信息获取情况的调查基础上,研究了调查地区基层政府和农村社区的传播基础架构对乡村居民的政治信任、政治参与的影响。研究认为,乡村居民对政府信任度的层级差异影响到了对于基层政府政务绩效的认同和满意度。本文通过因子分析和相关分析,验证了政治信任因子与非制度性政治参与行为的负相关关系,并提出增强乡村居民对基层政府信任、鼓励制度性政治参与的有效途径,在于发动年轻群体、完善基层组织,以及建构高参与度的农村社区信息传播体系。  相似文献   

7.
女士们、先生们:我来自于瑞士卢加诺大学。首先感谢大家,同时感谢这次大会的主办人,感谢你们的邀请以及对我们的信任,让我们有机会来提交我们在传媒这方面研究的结果。经济和社会以及政治结构在逐渐整合。电信和信息技术的发展以及全球产品和市场的出现也促进了这一发展。其中之一就是公司的活动,因为他们现在基本上都是在进行跨国发展。但是不同的文化意味着要有不同的传媒产品。这种传媒产品的不同性意味着相关的公司采取不同的策略,同时也意味着组织结构的改变。全球传媒公司的特点就是一个非常复杂的权威制度、非常明确的职责分工和劳动…  相似文献   

8.
传媒公共性:概念的解析与应用   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
传媒公共性是在传媒体制规训下传媒实践公开性、批判性和公益性理念所产生的社会公器属性,包括应然和实然的双重含义,涵盖理念、体制和实践三个层面。传媒公共性问题实质是媒体与民主的关系问题,尤其是传媒自身的民主化问题,核心是传媒与政府、市场、公众之间的关系或传媒管理体制问题。考察传媒公共性,需区分应然的理想和实然的表现,采用历史的、动态的、政治的、阶级的观点去分析,区分展示的、操纵的公共性与批判的公共性。传媒公共性概念应用于中国,应当以哈贝马斯的公共性理念作为价值规范,同时结合我国传媒体制对传媒实践展开具体分析。  相似文献   

9.
杜秋峰 《青年记者》2016,(17):134-135
传媒发行企业职工思想政治教育是传媒发行企业用一定的思想观念、政治观点、职业道德规范和工作行为准则,对职工施加有目的、有计划、有组织的影响,使他们形成符合传媒发行企业所要求的思想品德和职业操守的社会实践活动.  相似文献   

10.
11月初,我到石家庄参加了"2010传媒与城市发展峰会".这个会议以"城市品牌与传媒应用--如何运用传媒力量提升城市品牌"为主题,各方人士高论不少.我是压轴发言,题目还有点"雷"--"城市让生活更美好,就是传媒让生活更美好".我表达了两个基本观点:一,没有强势的传媒,就没有强势的城市.  相似文献   

11.
This paper empirically investigates the association of quality information provided by a government agency on social media and citizen’s online political participation. It further answers the why and how questions regarding the existence of this relationship by examining the mediating influence of transparency, trust, and responsiveness. The data was collected from 388 followers of the social media platforms of a government agency i.e. Punjab Food Authority and the findings of the analysis were obtained using structural equation modeling technique. The results reveal that the agency’s provision of quality information on social media was significantly related to perceived transparency, trust in agency, perceived responsiveness, and citizens’ online political participation. Moreover, the results show that perceived transparency mediates the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ trust in agency. Additionally, trust in agency was an insignificant predictor and perceived responsiveness was a negative predictor of citizens online political participation, Also, trust in agency and perceived responsiveness suppressed the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ online political participation. This study aims to bring awareness and contribution to the body of knowledge about the governmental use of social media and its resulting benefits since in developing countries like Pakistan the research in this area is sparse. Further, it provides strategic and practical suggestions to agencies regarding advantages of utilizing social media in their communication with citizens.  相似文献   

12.
This study examines political and communicative factors predicting trust in mainstream newspapers and television by analyzing a set of survey data collected in South Korea. The results show that supporters of the opposition party are less likely to trust the mainstream news media than supporters of the ruling party. Daily Internet use negatively predicted trust in media only for nonpartisans. However, for supporters of the opposition party, daily Internet use moderated the interaction effect between political discussion and exposure to political news on trust in media.  相似文献   

13.
More recently, many scholars have lamented the decline of social capital, civic and political participation in American society. This study attempts to clarify the concept of social capital and its major components. We differentiate two dimensions of social capital: trust and social connectedness. In addition, we investigate the differential effects of a full range of media use on civic and political participation.

Analysis of data from a telephone survey in Clarksville, Tennessee in 2002 showed that people's social connectedness enhances both civic and political participation. Time spent in reading newspaper and watching public affairs on television was positively correlated with political participation whereas frequency of Internet use and entertainment TV viewing was not. The results also showed no correlation between media use and civic participation. Implications of the findings for future research on democratic citizenship were discussed.  相似文献   

14.
This study features the development and validation of a multidimensional scale for Perceived News Media Importance (PNMI), a concept pertaining to how much individuals personally value normative functions of political/public affairs journalism. Comprised of six different dimensions that represent the weight of what citizens deem to be desirable about news work, the PNMI concept exhibits the capacity to strengthen scholarly explanations about the public’s perceptions of the news media and related democratic outcomes. More specifically this research, which employs three data sets, is designed to (1) explicate the PNMI concept, (2) develop and validate a PNMI scale, (3) and explore PNMI’s predictive value relative to news media use and support for freedom of the press. Evidence of validity is confirmed with media trust, political media use, political interest, and ideology. Furthermore, PNMI is shown to be predictive of (a) mainstream and social media-based news use, as conditioned by perceptions of the press satisfactory performing normative functions, and (b) support for press freedoms. While the hypothesized PNMI model (as a higher order latent construct with six lower order dimensions) exhibits a sound model fit, a combined data set (total N=912) reveals that PNMI could also be treated as a multi-factor, lower-order latent construct.  相似文献   

15.
The news media’s use of polls is by no means the special preserve of democracies. Using the case of Chinese government’s official medium (i.e. the People’s Daily), this study set out to assess how poll results are communicated to the public in China by examining the presentation of methodological information in its poll stories, and how its web counterpart, the People’s Daily Online website, differs in its coverage of polls from a technical point of view. It then examined the outlets’ interpretations of poll results and the media logic the coverage implies in comparison with the political logic that shapes poll reporting in China. Further critical discourse analysis reveals the use of authoritarian populist rhetoric as a discursive strategy in both outlets’ representation of public opinion. Compared with the print outlet, the online outlet showed a more marked inclination to describe a certain class as ‘the people’ in anti-elite rhetoric.  相似文献   

16.
Government social media has been integrated as part of the government administrative tools to improve public service and promote public goals. However, the current government information literature is limited to understanding government social media adoption and its purpose for political marketing. The present study seeks to understand the role of government social media in promoting government digital initiatives (i.e., government-backed digital currency). The study validated the inter-relationships between government social media effort, privacy concerns, trust in technology, reachability, and citizens' participation in government-initiated digital innovations. A total of 505 responses from Chinese citizens were collected through an online self-administered questionnaire survey, and the data was submitted to a two-stage Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modelling-Artificial Neural Network analysis. The analytic results revealed that privacy concerns, trust in technology, and reachability positively influence digital participation. In addition, the information quality and perception of trust in government social media have significant positive influences on government social media engagement. The study provides strategic practical suggestions to government agencies in effectively utilizing social media as a communication platform to foster citizens' participation in government's digital initiatives.  相似文献   

17.
This study examines whether or not attention to campaign newsinfluences political trust. It also explores whether politicaltrust predicts attention to campaign news, and whether the mechanismof influence between attention to campaign news and politicaltrust differs across educational levels. Political trust wasoperationalized as trust in government. The 1992 American NationalElection Survey data were used. Results of two-stage least squaresanalysis show that attention to television campaign coveragereduced trust in government, while a low level of trust in governmentincreased attention to newspaper campaign coverage. More importantly,the mechanism of influence between political trust and attentionto campaign coverage differed across educational levels. Amongthe less educated, attention to campaign coverage on televisionled to lower levels of trust. Among the more educated, a lowlevel of trust in government increased attention to campaigncoverage. The findings also indicate that the types of media(television vs. newspapers) matter when it comes to media effectson political trust, Implications of findings on the relationshipsbetween the concepts of political trust, vigilant skepticism,education, and media use are discussed.  相似文献   

18.
After the Spring Festival of 2015, an environmental documentary called Under the Dome in which Chai Jing acted as a narrator has caused the public opinion to boom in social media in China. Why could a documentary released by internet attract so much attention and spark such a heated discussion? What are the factors that have influence on the information dissemination of social media environmental mobilization? This paper employed case study and semi-structure interviews to reveal these questions. It turned out that individual trust, group norms and information networks of the social capital played an important role in the social media environmental mobilization. The reason why Under the Dome became a hot issue was that it made full use of the social media users’ trust on the mobilizer, aroused the mobilized’s emotions and combined the network channels of social relationships.  相似文献   

19.
This study examined political journalists’ definitions of public opinion and how these definitions influence the structure of political news stories. After considering prior conceptualizations of public opinion, a scale of two distinct definitions of public opinion was created, consisting of the optimist’s and the pessimist’s definitions. Using a survey of political journalists in the United States, these public opinion definitions were significant predictors of the use of particular sources in political news stories. Importantly, the two definitions had opposite influences on the use of opinion polls, shedding light on the discrepancy in use and perception of poll results in political news.  相似文献   

20.
Domestically produced children’s television is frequently highlighted as both an area of market failure, and also as an area where children’s changing consumption habits necessitate new and different ways of thinking about funding children’s content across a range of platforms. In the light of a recent U.K. proposal to set up a Public Service Content Fund to support “genres” under threat, including children’s programming, this article considers how you fund diverse high-quality children’s content in a more challenging media environment where children’s content is arguably still a market failure “genre.” The first part of the article provides context by outlining the market failure characteristics of children’s content as a framework for analyzing the validity of market failure arguments across a range of platforms. It then investigates the causes of perceived market failure in the U.K. children’s television production market. The final part examines the implications of recent U.K. policy responses to provision for children that seek to address market failure through (1) the possible introduction of a contestable fund for public service content; (2) more stringent obligations on the British Broadcasting Corporation; and (3) the re-imposition of quotas on commercially funded public service broadcastings (ITV, Channel 4, Five). Drawing on regulatory and stakeholder responses, it concludes that attempts to overcome market failure in U.K. children’s television appear unsuited for funding the longer-term curation, distribution, and discovery of new types of content on platforms other than broadcasting.  相似文献   

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