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1.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):162-187
An experiment examined the extent to which viewers’ death penalty application, perceptions of crime danger, and culpability assessments could be influenced by exposure to a majority of Black suspects in the news or having the race of suspects go unidentified in a newscast. The current study also investigated the extent to which prior news viewing and African American stereotype endorsement might moderate the effects of this racialized crime news exposure. After exposure to a majority of Black suspects or unidentified suspects in a newscast, African American stereotype endorsers were more likely than stereotype rejecters to support the death penalty. Furthermore, heavy television news viewers exposed to a majority of Black suspects were more likely than light news viewers to perceive the world as dangerous and view a race-unidentified suspect as culpable for his offense. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed in light of social cognition theories of priming, cognitive accessibility, stereotype activation and application. 相似文献
2.
This research examines how TV reported the campaign and the candidates during Taiwan's first‐ever presidential election in 1996. A content analysis of evening news coverage of six TV stations indicated that the state‐owned broadcast TV stations were far more likely than the privately owned cable TV stations to give a greater amount of coverage and soundbites to the ruling party presidential and vice presidential candidates, using the ruling party officials as principal news sources. The TV Stations’ coverage also contained more news favourable to the ruling party candidates than to other candidates. The future may well see a turning point in TV election coverage as well as in general news coverage in Taiwan. The three state‐owned broadcast TV stations face competition from privately owned cable TV stations and may soon be confronted with the loss of public trust and audience, unless they can provide fair and balanced news free from government control. 相似文献
3.
This research examines how television reported the campaign, parties, and candidates during the 1995 Legislative Election in Taiwan. Results of this study showed that state‐owned broadcast television stations were far more likely than privately owned cable television channels to give greater coverage to the ruling party and its candidates, to use ruling party officials as news sources, and to offer more news coverage favorable to the ruling party than to other parties. We conclude that cable television has become a force for balance in coverage, diluting a pervasive pro‐government party bias. The rise of cable television from virtual “outlaw” status to government‐licensed status appears to have responded to a more liberal society and made a contribution to the development of democracy, as have the expanded elections themselves. 相似文献
4.
This study examines how the order and proportion of scene valence within a television news story influence viewers' processing of political information. The results of the study, based on structural equation modeling and Sobel's mediation analysis, suggest that, in a news story about a political candidate, positive information on the candidate is recalled better if he or she is praised at the beginning of the story and then criticized at the end than if he or she is criticized first and praised later. In addition, there was a strong proportion effect. Stories with a high proportion of positive scenes were more likely to increase the participant's recall of positive information and induce his or her favorable attitudes and voting intentions than those with a low proportion of positive scenes. 相似文献
5.
This study examined the role of emotion in the process of news diffusion following the Space Shuttle Columbia disaster. Respondents reported both sadness and anger, but sadness was the predominant emotional response. Early learners reported more sadness, but emotional response was unrelated to the initial source of the news. Regarding interpersonal news diffusion, individuals who reported more sadness were more likely to pass the news on to others and spent more time discussing the event. Anger was associated with contacting a greater number of people. Individuals who contacted more people and spent more time in discussion reported stronger emotional (but not informational) motives for talking with others, and were more likely to say that they felt better after interpersonal contact. Overall, the findings suggest that interpersonal news diffusion and discussion function, in part, as ways to cope with emotional responses to news coverage. 相似文献
6.
Chang Sup Park 《Communication Studies》2019,70(3):253-276
Drawing on a national survey of 1,157 South Korean adults, the present study finds that social media use for political news is positively associated with knowledge about political issues, but not with knowledge about political processes. Professional media use for political news is significantly associated with both political issue knowledge and political process knowledge. The impact of social media for news on political issue knowledge increases with the additive role of professional media news use. This study also finds that political talk strengthens the positive association between social media use for news and political issue knowledge. 相似文献
7.
This study examines political and communicative factors predicting trust in mainstream newspapers and television by analyzing a set of survey data collected in South Korea. The results show that supporters of the opposition party are less likely to trust the mainstream news media than supporters of the ruling party. Daily Internet use negatively predicted trust in media only for nonpartisans. However, for supporters of the opposition party, daily Internet use moderated the interaction effect between political discussion and exposure to political news on trust in media. 相似文献
8.
Keith Kenney 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):54-74
During the mid‐1980s political pressure upon Chinese journalists decreased, financial pressure upon their newspapers increased and photojournalism gained importance. This study compares the content of photographs in three ‘official’ and three hybrid ‘official‐commercial’ Chinese newspapers. Photographs were found to be less important in ‘official’ newspapers. Subjects and values of concern to government and Party leaders appeared more frequently in ‘official‐commercial’ papers. This study also shows that in a period of political and economic reform, diversity exists in photographic news content and that photographs frequently serve public interests. 相似文献
9.
Kim Andersen 《Mass Communication and Society》2019,22(4):487-507
As soft news shows in television present politics in an entertaining format, they are likely to attract and grab the attention of people who do not have a high interest in politics. Consequently, soft news might mobilize these citizens to engage in politics. This study tests this potential by using a 2-wave panel survey among a national sample of voters (N = 2,680) collected in relation to the 2015 National Election in Denmark. The results show that people with lower political interest were indeed more likely to increase their use of soft news during the election campaign and that, as a consequence, these low-motivated people also increased their passive participation, such as seeking additional information about the election. Further, the results show that this type of passive participation is likely to function as a stepping-stone to active forms of participation, such as attending political events or contacting politicians. 相似文献
10.
本文从肯定认知主体的主观能动作用出发,重新阐述了新闻真实,认为它在新闻生产领域是权力机制,必然与媒体自身的经济、政治诉求相关;而这种渗入真实、真相中的主观性,又理应借助于文化反思来检讨,这样在新闻传播研究中理当保持开明的真实观。 相似文献
11.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(3):339-358
This study tests how repeated exposure to the same news frame influences political opinions over time. In a survey experiment (N = 296), we repeatedly exposed participants to the same news frame (at the start of the study, after one day, one week, and two weeks) and measured effects on opinions (at the start, after two weeks, and after six weeks). Participants in a control group were exposed only once and the effect was also traced over time. Results show that repetitive framing leads both to stronger and more persistent effects than single exposure. The persistence effects are most evident for individuals with moderate political knowledge. Our study contributes to a more comprehensive model of framing effects in mass communication experiments. 相似文献
12.
Moy Patricia; Xenos Michael A.; Hess Verena K. 《Int. Journal of Public Opinion Research》2006,18(2):198-210
Having become fully integrated into the contemporary politicallandscape, infotainment-oriented media extend Americans’traditional news (e.g. newspaper, radio, and television) toinclude a greater number of sources for political information,and in some cases, political mobilization. Given the increasingprominence of infotainment-oriented media in contemporary politics,this study addresses the effects of one particular type of infotainment—late-nightcomedy—during the 2000 presidential campaign. Specifically,we are interested in whether watching late-night comedy showsinfluences viewers’ evaluations of the candidates whohave appeared on these shows; in particular, we investigatepriming as the mechanism by which such influences occur. Findingsfrom the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey (N = 11,482)indicate that evaluations of candidates are based in part onrespondents’ sociodemographics, perceptions of candidatesto handle certain issues, and their character traits. Therewas a main effect of watching late-night comedy on evaluationsof candidates; more importantly, viewers were more likely thannonviewers to base their evaluations of George W. Bush on charactertraits after he appeared on The Late Show with David Letterman. 相似文献
13.
创办于1884年的《述报》是近代早期国人创办的重要报刊之一,该报以报道中法战争而享有盛誉。而作为地方性的报纸,该报也对广东地方新闻较为关注,包括对广东时局、社会新闻和民俗风情等方面的报道。因而该报对研究当时的社会状况有较为重要的文献价值。 相似文献
14.
Jennifer Hoewe 《Communication Research Reports》2016,33(3):247-252
This study examined political journalists’ definitions of public opinion and how these definitions influence the structure of political news stories. After considering prior conceptualizations of public opinion, a scale of two distinct definitions of public opinion was created, consisting of the optimist’s and the pessimist’s definitions. Using a survey of political journalists in the United States, these public opinion definitions were significant predictors of the use of particular sources in political news stories. Importantly, the two definitions had opposite influences on the use of opinion polls, shedding light on the discrepancy in use and perception of poll results in political news. 相似文献
15.
近代中国社会新闻的演进与价值取向 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
中国早期近代报刊的社会新闻量很少,只将近代西方社会新闻的理念辐射出来;鸦片战争后,随着近代报纸在国内的出现和发展,社会新闻成为报纸的重要内容之一,其内容取向显示出报刊幼年时期的价值取向——奇异内容、文学情境、政治倾向、教化内涵、真实缺失。 相似文献
16.
This study extends the Gamson Hypothesis, which asserts that trust and self-efficacy affect political activity, by examining how reliance on mainstream and alternative sources of political information interact with trust, self-efficacy, and political activity. Overall, this study supports the Gamson Hypothesis: Dissidents (those high in self-efficacy and low in political trust) are more likely to protest the government than Assureds (high levels of trust and efficacy), who are more likely to engage in more conventional political activities. Dissidents avoid online newspapers and broadcast news sites and instead turn to more polarizing sources, such as radio talk shows and political blogs. On the other hand, Assureds rely on mainstream sources such as broadcast television online and avoid more partisan sources such as political Web sites and talk radio. 相似文献
17.
新制度主义视野下的新闻生产研究 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
本文从新制度主义的分析范式入手,探讨在有关新闻生产的研究中所运用的社会科学理论的最新进展情况。在同样将新闻视为社会建构的产物的基础上,新制度主义更强调嵌入于更广阔的社会部门和领域的媒介组织的政治和文化因素,认为新闻生产通常存在于被视为理所当然的、受文化认可的传统或制度中,由此说明组织对更广范围的文化规范及来自支配领域的压力的遵从。本文认为,新制度主义范式将制度变量引入了新闻生产的分析中,开拓了我们从社会学角度开展的一系列新闻研究,其对关键节点和时序划分等概念的强调,也有助于我们克服对新闻业自身发展的历史做因果直线式的"决定论"的偏向。 相似文献
18.
Zhongdang Pan 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):109-115
This study examines whether and how political party support shapes interpersonal political discussion. Drawing upon existing research, party support is hypothesized to lead to more frequent political discussion and lower levels of disagreement within discussion networks. Party support is also hypothesized to moderate the relationship between news consumption and discussion frequency and the relationship between discussion frequency and disagreement. The analysis further explores if the impact of party support varies according to the parties being supported. The hypotheses and research question were examined using data from representative surveys conducted in Hong Kong and Taiwan. The findings illustrate the importance of political party support in structuring citizens' interpersonal political discussions in the consolidated democracy of Taiwan and, though to a lesser extent, in the semi-democratic environment of Hong Kong. In Taiwan, the impact of discussion frequencies on disagreement in discussion network varies according to the party being supported. Implications of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
19.
This study investigates the Sino-US difference in the journalistic practice of providing on-air attribution for those interviewed in television news. Through a content analysis, this study compares how CBS News, a premier US TV network, and CCTV, China's most watched network, attributed their interviewees with on-screen name credits (names, titles and affiliations). The findings show that US journalists were more likely to provide on-screen name credits than their Chinese colleagues who, in turn, were more likely to give credits to interviewees who were older, male and government officials. This study should contribute to a better understanding of how cultural values and political ideologies may affect the way interviewees are treated in television news. 相似文献
20.
《Government Information Quarterly》2023,40(3):101810
Fake news, propagated on social media platforms, is regularly used as a tool to influence political beliefs. In this paper, we investigate the impact of fake news on perceptions of election processes by drawing on the theory of motivated reasoning. We use survey data on partisan alignment, news consumption habits, and voting methods collected before and after the 2020 United States general election. Our pre-election results indicated that political alignment and the type of news a voter consumes influences their trust perceptions of election processes. These findings were replicated in the post-election results. We also found that Facebook users were more likely to consume fake and hyper-partisan news, whereas people who directly navigate to news websites consume primarily mainstream news sources. Implications for research and policy are discussed along with opportunities for future research on the impacts of fake news. 相似文献