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1.
Cyberbalkanization has growingly become common on the Internet and can lead to public’s opinion polarization. This study investigates a specific process of cyberbalkanization through which incivility is circulated within online communities. From a dataset of Hong Kong-based Facebook Pages collected during a social movement, a set of politically-organized communities was identified and their connectivity generated a post-sharing network. A random sample of contents shared between and within these communities was then manually classified based on the level of incivility. The targets of offence through the use of uncivil language were also coded. Contents shared within ideologically compatible communities were found to be more likely to be uncivil. The association was significantly more positive in a populistic community, of which members had unique political nature and cultural norms. The targets were usually political opponents and incivility was adopted to petition detractors from within-community discussions. We therefore suggest ‘echoslamming’ is an online phenomenon through which uncivil contents catalyse anger toward political opponents among ideologically congruent information sources and consequently reinforce the audience’s predilection. Such a mechanism can be one underlying explanation for a vicious circle of cyberbalkanization-induced polarization on political opinions.  相似文献   

2.
网络舆论的发展态势和社会影响   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
网络舆论的发达,在自上而下权力高度集中的政治格局中,引入了自下而上的舆论监督,成为现行公共管理机制的一种补充。进入2009年,微博客成为最新锐的舆论载体,但新闻跟帖的功能有所弱化。互联网在社会生活中继续虎虎生威,政府网络发言人进入网络社区,网民参政议政的渠道也在继续拓宽。  相似文献   

3.
This study examined college students' use of online media for political purposes in the 2008 election. Social media attention, online expression, and traditional Internet attention were assessed in relation to political self-efficacy and situational political involvement. Data from a Web survey of college students showed significant positive relationships between attention to traditional Internet sources and political self-efficacy and situational political involvement. Attention to social media was not significantly related to political self-efficacy or involvement. Online expression was significantly related to situational political involvement but not political self-efficacy. Implications are discussed for political use of online media for young adults.  相似文献   

4.
Although the rise of nationalistic activism in the Chinese online sphere has drawn much scholarly attention, few studies have examined how nationalism, usages, and motivations of the Internet affect nationalistic actions among general Internet users in China. Using Sino-Japanese diplomatic disputes as a testing ground, this study investigates the effects of news use from traditional and new media, nationalistic attitudes, and motivations for Internet use on anti-Japanese political behaviors such as boycotting and protest participation. Analyses of online survey data revealed that nationalism is positively correlated with information-seeking and social-interaction motivations for Internet use regarding Sino-Japanese disputes. Results also showed that the stronger the motivation for using the Internet to discuss topics associated with Sino-Japanese disputes, the more likely respondents engaged in anti-Japanese behaviors. This study indicates that nationalistic attitudes and motivations involved in the use of new media technologies have significant effects on mobilizing supporters for anti-Japanese actions.  相似文献   

5.
[目的/意义] 代表他人使用互联网搜寻健康信息成为非医学专业人员为患者提供健康信息支持的重要形式,了解替代搜寻者特征及其行为模式将对健康信息服务与传播具有积极意义。[方法/过程] 从参与者人口统计、健康信息搜寻经验和家庭结构3个方面的个体特征变量进行调查,并基于5W(Why-Who-When-Where-What)视角对健康信息替代搜寻者的行为模式进行分析。其中,除了对行为动机Why使用半结构化访谈之外,其余变量均通过问卷调查方法进行测量。[结果/结论] 研究发现,87.0%的在线健康信息搜寻者在近12个月内有帮助别人在线搜寻健康信息的经历;健康信息替代搜寻者的特征包括女性、独生子女、已婚、健康状态较好、有丰富的在线健康信息搜寻经验以及家人有慢性病患者;健康信息替代搜寻者的行为动机包括关怀、利他主义等;替代搜寻者更多地帮助与他们有强社会关系的人搜寻健康信息;替代搜寻者一般在患者就医之前帮助他们在线搜寻健康信息;替代搜寻者的信息来源于搜索引擎、在线健康社区和在线问答社区等;替代搜寻者更加需要与疾病本身相关的一般性信息、日常保健以及治疗相关的信息。  相似文献   

6.
[目的/意义] 代表他人使用互联网搜寻健康信息成为非医学专业人员为患者提供健康信息支持的重要形式,了解替代搜寻者特征及其行为模式将对健康信息服务与传播具有积极意义。[方法/过程] 从参与者人口统计、健康信息搜寻经验和家庭结构3个方面的个体特征变量进行调查,并基于5W(Why-Who-When-Where-What)视角对健康信息替代搜寻者的行为模式进行分析。其中,除了对行为动机Why使用半结构化访谈之外,其余变量均通过问卷调查方法进行测量。[结果/结论] 研究发现,87.0%的在线健康信息搜寻者在近12个月内有帮助别人在线搜寻健康信息的经历;健康信息替代搜寻者的特征包括女性、独生子女、已婚、健康状态较好、有丰富的在线健康信息搜寻经验以及家人有慢性病患者;健康信息替代搜寻者的行为动机包括关怀、利他主义等;替代搜寻者更多地帮助与他们有强社会关系的人搜寻健康信息;替代搜寻者一般在患者就医之前帮助他们在线搜寻健康信息;替代搜寻者的信息来源于搜索引擎、在线健康社区和在线问答社区等;替代搜寻者更加需要与疾病本身相关的一般性信息、日常保健以及治疗相关的信息。  相似文献   

7.
Based on General Social Survey data, this study employs logit models to clarify the effects of new media use and sociodemographic characteristics on voter turnout in the 2000 presidential election. It also discusses the predicting power of social-demographics on new media use behavior. Findings highlight that the behavior of actively seeking political information online, which can be expected by the level of education and income of Internet users, raised their likelihood of voting. General Internet exposure, which is reduced by age and affected by gender, however, could not increase the turnout as expected. Among sociodemographic indicators, education counted the most in the 2000 presidential election. People's sociodemographic characteristics were stronger predictors than their new media use behavior for voter turnout.  相似文献   

8.
This study looks at student Facebook groups supporting the 2008 presidential candidates, John McCain and Barack Obama, from largest land-grant universities in seven battleground states. The findings of a content analysis of wall posts show that students are using Facebook to facilitate dialog and civic political involvement. In opposition to pro-McCain groups, pro-Obama groups have wider time frame coverage and demonstrate substantively higher site activity. Political discussions related to the political civic process, policy issues, campaign information, candidate issues, and acquisition of campaign products dominate across groups and election seasons. An examination of the content of wall posts based on the four categories of the Michigan Model of voting behavior (partisanship, group affiliation, candidate image, and political/campaign issues) reveals that in the primary season, pro-Obama groups focus mostly on short-term topics (candidate image and campaign issues), whereas pro-McCain groups focus mostly on long-term topics (partisanship and group affiliation). The overall findings of this study suggest that youth online communities actively follow campaigns and post comments that foster the political dialog and civic engagement.  相似文献   

9.
Internet news consumption is growing and television news viewership is decreasing; however, online news is not a substitute for television news. This study found motives for seeking political information from television and the Internet to be information-seeking, entertainment, civic duty, and social utility. In seeking political information, audiences use Internet and television in conjunction as supplements or complements, rather than as substitutes. Multiple regression analysis showed that information-seeking and social utility predicted television use, and information-seeking and civic duty predicted Internet use.  相似文献   

10.
This study investigates how social factors affect Taiwanese Internet users’ dual screening use and its impact on online and offline political participation. The Web survey recruits 961 dual screen users. Structural equation modeling results show that bridging social capital and perceived social presence are significantly associated with dual screening use. Dual screening is positively related to online and offline political participation. Dual screening use strongly influences offline political participation when mediated by online political participation. Moreover, alternative media trust is positively related to online political participation, whereas mainstream media trust shows a negative association.  相似文献   

11.
随着信息技术的发展和互联网的普及,各种不同类型的虚拟社区不断涌现,以不同的特点满足人们的不同需求。本文在介绍当前互联网上存在的虚拟社区的定义、特点和类型的基础上,详细地对校友录、聊天室、BBS和博客四种常用的虚拟社区类型的特点进行比较分析。  相似文献   

12.
Political communication researchers have shown that social network site (SNS) use and online network characteristics can impinge on people’s political attitudes and behavior. Nevertheless, individual SNSs have varying site architecture, basic design features, and functionalities, which may influence usage and online network characteristics. This study thus examines whether site architecture matters for understanding the political implications of SNSs. Specifically, this article conceptualizes the distinction between public-oriented and private-oriented SNSs. It contends that the two types of SNSs would have varying impact on political behavior through the kinds of online networks that they tend to sustain. Analysis of a survey of university students in Guangzhou, China (N?=?897), shows that respondents using public-oriented SNSs tended to have a relatively more ‘public’ online network – larger, involving more strangers, and with more connections to public actors. Some of these network characteristics in turn affected political discussion behavior. The analysis thus demonstrates how SNS architecture can indirectly impinge on individual-level political outcomes.  相似文献   

13.
The Internet era has often been blamed for a predominant engagement with attitude-consistent information among citizens (labeled confirmation bias), which is thought to hurt political deliberation. This study offers the first rigorous evidence suggesting that online news fosters greater confirmation bias than traditional media. A 2 × 2 within-subjects experiment presented political articles, varying stance (conservative vs. liberal) and medium (online vs. print); selective exposure was logged or taped. Data were collected during the U.S. 2016 presidential primaries. As expected in the preelection context, partisans whose party was anticipated to lose the election (conservatives) did not exhibit confirmation bias. Liberals showed confirmation bias, but only online, suggesting print contexts reduce confirmation bias.  相似文献   

14.
This study explicates the indirect process through which news media use influences political participation. Specifically, it investigates the role of political knowledge and efficacy as mediators between communication and online/offline political participation within the framework of an O-S-R-O-R (Orientation-Stimulus-Reasoning-Orientation-Response) model of communication effects. Results from structural equation modeling analysis support the idea that political knowledge and efficacy function as significant mediators. In addition, results expound the increasing importance of the Internet in facilitating political participation. Implications of findings, limitations of this study, and suggestions for future research are discussed.  相似文献   

15.
This study investigated Internet communication and use in a crisis situation, Hurricane Katrina, to explore the role of the Internet in supporting or diminishing geographically-based community during a crisis. The researchers conducted an online survey of Internet users (n=1192) from the dispersed metropolitan New Orleans area. The survey focused on amount, type, function, and importance of Internet use to creating and maintaining social capital, supporting geographically-based communities, activating social networks, reducing uncertainty, and achieving both expressive and instrumental communication goals. The results indicated that Internet users in a crisis situation went online to seek interactive fora specific to their neighborhoods and to activate weak ties in their social networks. They engaged in more uncertainty reduction behavior when experiencing higher degrees of damage. They turned to the Internet in place of other media as a result of disruptions caused by the crisis. Women valued online expressive communication more than men did. The findings suggest that social capital theorists would benefit from a communication perspective on the Internet. The study also led to the formation of suggestions for emergency preparedness agencies, shelter providers, crisis victims, and online news providers that can improve emergency response.  相似文献   

16.
The study examined predictors of Library and Information Science undergraduates’ participation in a discussion forum. Through a total enumerative sampling technique, the entire 115 students in (2010/2011) academic session in the Department of Library and Information Science, University of Ilorin, Nigeria were selected to represent the sample for the study. A questionnaire was used to gather data on the study. Three research questions were developed to guide the study. The results demonstrate that computer and Internet search efficacy together with emotional intelligence significantly correlate with and predict users’ participation in an online discussion forum. Similarly, the results suggest that computer and Internet self-efficacy and emotional intelligence constructs are good predictors of participation in the online forum. Based on these findings, the study recommended that LIS students need to be more Internet and computer self-efficacious, as it has been proved that these will promote their participation in the online discussion forum.  相似文献   

17.
Thailand's political landscape has changed dramatically during the past five years. The rapid growth of communication technology in Thailand has been instrumental in generating political participation in the national elections of 2001 and 2005. In this article we provide the results of a benchmark study that assesses the early period of this political transformation. Specifically, we examined the use of television and of the Internet for political information by interviewing 500 urban residents. Our results indicate that likely voters actively gathered political knowledge from television advertisements and political party websites. Although use of television and the Internet for political purposes did not increase direct involvement in political parties, it did promote participation in the 2001 national election. Implications of these findings for future research on the use of communication technology for political communication in Asia are discussed.  相似文献   

18.
This study analyzed observations and interviews of 31 participants, who were divided into six age groups, to understand the influence of end-user goals and experience on Internet search approaches. Users who lacked experience approached the Internet similarly no matter what the age group. Children and older adults were more likely to lack online search experience than other users. In addition, children and older adults were more homogeneous than other users in that they had a narrow range of situational goals, whereas users in other groups had a wide range of situational goals. The study has implications for user services and research in end-user searching. An understanding of the influence of age, experience, and goals on Internet search patterns might guide how, how much, and in what format information should be presented in the future. Knowledge gained from this study can also form the basis of hypotheses for larger studies.  相似文献   

19.
Popular narratives assume that digital media play a central role mobilizing voters and especially young adults. Based on unique survey data of a diverse group or young adults from Spring, 2009, we consider the relationship between differentiated internet uses, and online and offline political engagement around the time of the 2008 U.S. presidential election. Thanks to our rich data set, we are able to consider both online and offline activities while taking into consideration more traditional measures. Our findings suggest that online forms of political engagement complement offline engagement. The pathways to young adults' political participation remain relatively stable. We also find an association between Internet skills, social network site usage and greater levels of engagement. These findings imply that although Internet usage alone is unlikely to transform existing patterns in political participation radically, it may facilitate the creation of new pathways for engagement.  相似文献   

20.
Through a case study on the news flow of an online protest in China, this study explores how the power relations among the mainstream media affect, and are affected by, the spillover effect of news. Even though the Internet does serve as a catalyst to initiate alternative voices that otherwise wouldn't be heard in the established media, the results reveal that the power structure inherent in the mainstream media (particularly within their online versions) such as bureaucratic ranks and institutional ties with party organs, plays a significant role in shaping the trajectory of news flow and media framing strategies. The Internet compensates for the disadvantage of the lower-level media that are short of political resources, while the higher-level media tend to rely on the political capital to exercise their influence. At the same time, the media with more political resources have become increasingly intrepid in challenging the state. Such a dynamic takes place in the context of the changing state-media relations that have seen the authoritarian state shift its information control from a totalitarian mode to a practical one, even though the latter may open up a space for flow of information that can sometimes undermine state power.  相似文献   

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