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1.
高峰 《首都师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2007,(3):150-156
英国学校长期以来公民课程的缺失,并不意味着英国学校不存在公民教育,也不能得出英国大众普遍缺乏公民意识的结论。英国社会和学校的总体教育在几个层面上提供了某种形式的公民教育:英国资本主义的民主制度在宏观层面上对学校的公民教育产生了影响;英国学校教育的整体生活在中观层面上起到了公民教育的作用;英国学校的多门学科在微观层面上具有公民教育的因素。英国学校的公民教育是在传统与变革之间的相互融合中协调渐进的。 相似文献
2.
Ernesto Treviño Consuelo Béjares Cristóbal Villalobos Eloísa Naranjo 《The Journal of educational research》2017,110(6):604-618
The authors investigated to what extent teachers' practices and school characteristics can influence students' civic knowledge, civic attitudes, and future participation in Chile, Colombia, and Mexico and how this can be related to their specific curricular structures and educational content. It uses data from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study. The results show that in Chile, Colombia, and Mexico, teacher practices and attitudes relate to the civic outcomes. Although teachers' practices and attitudes significantly predict students' civic knowledge, this relationship does not seem relevant for students' expected participation and students' attitudes toward diversity. Still, the democratic environment of the school is a relevant variable in the case of expected participation of students and their attitudes toward diversity, which shows a possible indirect influence of teachers through the school environment. The results are discussed in relation to the civic education curriculum in place in the countries analyzed. 相似文献
3.
Meira Levinson 《牛津教育评论》2013,39(1-2):39-58
Inspired by concern about promoting civic participation and preserving the liberal democratic state, political theorists have recently reignited a debate about the nature of political education in a liberal society. These theorists' arguments in favor of teaching toleration are significant for the progress of education reforms currently being debated and implemented in current liberal democracies and some emerging nations. Despite the increasing attention paid to the value of liberal civic education, however, its specific content is typically left virtually blank. This article aims to redress this gap in the literature by developing a coherent and comprehensive (albeit still very general) curriculum for liberal political education. To this end, Section I analyses the nature of the ideal liberal democratic state and develops a general curriculum for liberal political education based on the type of citizens needed to preserve and take advantage of such a state. It concludes by introducing two potentially illiberal outcomes of this curriculum: children's forced development of the capacity for autonomy, and the reduction of diversity in the state. Section II argues that the development of autonomy is actually central to liberal theory and liberal education more broadly conceived, while Section III suggests that civic and social diversity will persist, but rightly play a secondary role to the goals of liberal political education. The article concludes, therefore, with a reassertion of the content and importance of liberal political education. 相似文献
4.
This article uses results from a cross-national analysis of the impact of varying approaches to civic education curriculum delivery on three learning outcomes, to draw conclusions about the value of a government-mandated compulsory, independent subject of civic education in the school curriculum. It starts from the context of Hong Kong, where there have been repeated calls for the government to reform civic education, and compares this context with that of England, where citizenship education was made a statutory subject in 2002. The article then examines from the cases of 25 societies whether a compulsory approach to and/or independent subject of civic education is associated with better learning of civic knowledge, knowledge of democracy, and patriotism. Finding that the impact of curricular approaches is somewhat negligible taking other factors into consideration, the article concludes that civic education reformers should consider the costs of limiting school autonomy in curriculum delivery. 相似文献
5.
《International Journal of Educational Research》2001,35(1):29-44
This chapter describes the study as it was conducted in Japan in three schools: a public, a private, and a university school in Sapporo City, Hokkaido prefecture. The results suggest that the civic education curriculum in all of the schools is based on that outlined in the Courses of Study published by the Ministry of Education. In addition to Civics classes, the curriculum includes school events and student council activities. With regard to the development of civic values, the analysis suggests that in the public and the private school, the implicit values encountered in everyday school life have a greater impact on students than do the explicit values outlined in the school precepts or civic education curriculum. In the university school “acting with decency” is regarded as important, both explicitly and implicitly. 相似文献
6.
学校的本质与公民教育密切相连。学校理当是培养公民的场所,也就是具有爱、社群意识和民主特征的共同体。学校应是爱的家园,关爱学生并被学生理解和接纳,这样才能让学生成为有能力关爱他人、充满爱和可爱的人,具备创造民主正义世界的内在动力;学校应是一个道德的、关心每一个人需要的和分享其传统的社群,唯其如此,才能培养学生的公民美德;学校实施民主管理,尽可能地为所有学生提供发展潜能的条件,让学生协商与对话,积极参与改善学校和周边社区环境,才能让学生获得参与民主的经验与能力,成长为民主社会的未来主体。 相似文献
7.
立足于我国大学的公民教育传统,探寻其与中国实际相结合的公民教育实践活动,对当今大学公民教育实践具有重要意义。民国时期作为国立大学的代表——北京大学的公民教育实践尤为突出。通过对北京大学公民教育实践的历史梳理,得出公民教育基本路径:完善以课程教学为载体的课程整合、开展多元化的课余活动、创建民主自由的校园文化氛围,以期能对当今大学公民教育发展有所助益。 相似文献
8.
《International Journal of Educational Development》2004,24(3):269-282
This paper presents the main goals and themes, as well as a critical analysis, of an ambitious new reform of Mexico’s secondary-level program for civic education. It begins with a brief historical review of the modern Mexican secondary school, as well as a thematic analysis of the new published curriculum and study program, which puts heavy emphasis on the development of democratic citizenship skills and habits. The paper then draws on interview research to highlight some of the challenges that national and local actors have identified for the program’s successful implementation. Because the new program espouses a progressive democratic pedagogy in the absence of a supportive democratic political culture, an appropriate structure of school governance, or adequate training for in-service teachers, many actors expressed skepticism about whether the reform could meaningfully take hold. 相似文献
9.
Hyo-Chong Park 《Asia Pacific Education Review》2001,2(1):66-73
Citizenship education in South Korea has entered a new era in terms of the course of study. The seventh course of study in
civic education introduces the conception of civic virtue for school education. The identification of the ten civic virtues
is a remarkable first attempt in the history of the course of study. This study, which assumes that civic virtue must be a
key concept in civic education, welcomes the idea of civic virtue, since it can act as a solvent on the citizen knowledge-oriented
approach of citizenship education. Nevertheless, there are some problems with the identification of the civic values and virtues,
and this study argues that those civic virtues selected for the school curriculum are mostly not civic, nor clearly vital
to a liberal democracy. 相似文献
10.
Wai-Chung Ho 《Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education》2007,28(2):139-157
The purpose of this paper is to describe the Hong Kong (HK) school curriculum, especially the general curriculum for civic education and other social subjects, in relation to the political events of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident, and the return of HK's sovereignty from the United Kingdom (UK) to the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1997. This paper will argue that since 1984, the school curriculum of HK has been marked by tensions brought about by political cultures shaped by the UK and the PRC, the bureaucratic mechanisms of which are used to make sure that those curriculum contents that are judged to be politically correct are taught in school. Over the last two decades the school curriculum has been depicted as being shaped by the emergence of the nation-state and the transfer of sovereignty. Granted that political and national education forms part of the school culture, the question of how to shape students to be patriotic through the curriculum will continue to be contentious. 相似文献
11.
Vivian L. Gadsden Wintre Foxworth Johnson Samiha Rahman 《Peabody Journal of Education》2019,94(1):78-96
The issues associated with students’ civic knowledge, engagement, and participation have been heightened in intellectual debates and public discussions. However, these discussions have not focused heavily on urban youths’ civic identities or the locations of these identities within the youths’ personal narratives of ethnicity, race, class, and gender. This article presents the narratives of four urban high school youths of color, selected from a larger study about youths’ experiences in school and society and the ways in which classroom learning encouraged their inquiry, assessment of their social worlds and personal goals, and emerging personal and civic identities. Our purpose was to gain insights regarding the youths’ sociopolitical perspectives on local educational and social issues affecting them and to understand their multiple literacies in the context of their civic engagement, increasing youth advocacy, and larger political tensions. The theoretical framing of this investigation is grounded in democratic education and sociopolitical consciousness and draws upon research that focuses on civic participation and democratic society. Four dominant themes emerged from the analysis: educational inequality, social media, schooling, and race and mass incarceration. This article contributes to an expansive framing for civic education by examining the civic knowledge of urban youths of color and offers implications for research, practice, and policy. 相似文献
12.
Classroom and School Predictors of Civic Engagement Among Black and Latino Middle School Youth 
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下载免费PDF全文 Robert J. Jagers Fantasy T. Lozada Deborah Rivas‐Drake Casta Guillaume 《Child development》2017,88(4):1125-1138
This study used short‐term longitudinal data to examine the contributions of democratic teaching practices (e.g., the Developmental Designs approach) and equitable school climate to civic engagement attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors among 515 Black and Latino middle school students (47.9% male). Concurrent experiences of democratic homeroom and classroom practices, and equitable school climate were associated with higher scores on each civic engagement component. The relation between classroom practices and civic attitudes was more robust when school climate was seen as more equitable. Longitudinally, homeroom practices and equitable school climate predicted higher civic attitudes 1 year later. Discussion focuses on civic attitudes and future research on school experiences that support civic engagement among youth of color. 相似文献
13.
ACTION AS AN EDUCATIONAL VIRTUE: TOWARD A DIFFERENT UNDERSTANDING OF DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
Yusef Waghid 《Educational theory》2005,55(3):323-342
In this essay I attempt to show that compassionate and imaginative action have the potential to extend some of the fundamental dimensions of democratic citizenship education: deliberative argumentation and the recognition of what is other and different. I argue that cultivating democratic citizenship in schools and universities cannot focus solely on teaching students deliberative argumentation and the recognition of difference and otherness. Students must also be taught what it means to act with compassion and imagination because the latter (imaginative action) seems to be desirable in promoting civic reconciliation — a practice necessary to building relations of care, justice, and trust in university and school dialogical actions. In this way, a different democratic citizenship education agenda can be engendered — one that not only connects with the lived stories of people but that also opens up possibilities for the realization of civic reconciliation. 相似文献
14.
《Asia Pacific Journal of Education》2012,32(4):473-488
A growing body of research suggests that traditional assessments of democratic participation overlook students' present realities, and fail to capture the knowledge, skills and dispositions necessary to resolve public issues in the twenty-first century. Addressing these concerns, we employed an interpretive perspective in examining students' perceptions of civic competence in one Singaporean school. Analyses of qualitative data reveal students' perceived lack of civic competence to effect systemic change within their school environment and in the larger political arena. This perceived lack of civic competence can be attributed largely to rigid and hierarchical classroom, school and political structures, and the pragmatic focus of Singapore society. We discuss findings in light of civic education research, policy and practice. 相似文献
15.
PETER LEMISH 《Cambridge Journal of Education》2003,33(1):53-72
As distinguished from the formal, political science-oriented citizenship curriculum studied exclusively in secondary schools, civic education-learning develops throughout the young-mature citizen's life in Israel. The analysis of the role and learning of two primary civic myths--'Israel is a Jewish and a democratic state' and 'Israelis are Jews'--demonstrates how this learning takes place through 'formations' of hegemony such as the family, the media, civic militarism as well as through schools' statist and social curricula. Successes of civic education enable the civic myths to be vibrant, gestalt worlds of meaning for Jewish Israelis, and sites of resistance for ultra-orthodox Jewish as well as Palestinian citizens of Israel. On the other hand, as an ethnocracy, democracy in civic Israel is not a meaningful world of value but rather a means to manage political processes. Therefore, the Israel case study is insightful for understanding the limitations of civic and citizenship education that seeks to advance democratic-oriented values such as human rights, liberty, justice, tolerance, civility, coexistence, pluralism and an alternative concept of Israel as a civil society. 相似文献
16.
17.
Liu Meihui 《Asia Pacific Journal of Education》2000,20(1):73-81
The purpose of this article is to analyze the values intentionally promoted in civics education in junior high schools in Taiwan. The article first examines the antecedents of civics education in Taiwan, then applies content analysis in exploring the values promoted through the curriculum for civics education at junior high school level. The article uses eight categories of values clusters as the framework for analysis, namely: self cultivation, family values, democratic values, civic life and community, economic life, fair government, national identity and social cohesion/diversity. The following findings emerged from this study:
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? Social cohesion, democratic values, and national identity are emphasized the most in the civics curriculum.
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? The democratic values promoted in the traditional period are used as a means to distinguish democratic Taiwan from totalitarian Communist China.
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? Self cultivation is less emphasized than in the traditional period.
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? National identity is promoted less as a fundamental value than in traditional civics education.
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? Because of social and environmental change, the new civics education integrates several Western values into the curriculum.
This research was supported by a grant from the Pacific Basin Research Center of Soka University of America. 相似文献
18.
Citizenship,civic education and politics: the education policy context for young Australian citizens
Citizenship education in Australia is embedded throughout the school curriculum. Despite a coherent policy context for the inclusion of citizenship and civic education at all levels of schooling, the links between education and civic minded citizens are tenuous. This paper explores these connections by drawing on the views of participants in an international community service program between Western Australia and Tanzania. By situating the interview data in relation to the policy goals, the paper argues that the current policy framework ‘sanitises’ the political nature of modern citizenship. The results from this study demonstrate that students have little understanding of the connections between the civic, the social and the political realms of citizenship. These results suggest that the current policy context does not adequately prepare young people to position themselves in the political realm. 相似文献
19.
《International Journal of Educational Research》2003,39(6):565-576
For emerging democracies civic education issues have special meaning. Often these issues play a vital role in the process of nation building and democratic consolidation, which makes the interplay between the school system and the socio-political environment particularly important. Estonia, which inherited from the half-century Soviet occupation a large non-Estonian population that was not granted citizenship, presents a case in which becoming a citizen involves both legal and democratic aspects. This article will analyze this complicated situation: firstly, by investigating the citizenship model 14-year-old students prefer and how they relate their own future civic behavior to their concept of a good citizen and secondly, by comparing attitudes of Estonian and non-Estonian students toward different forms of social engagement and by discussing the impact of citizenship policy on formal civic education. While the attitudes of Estonian and non-Estonian students toward unconventional activities vary significantly, it was remarkable that conventional citizenship received an equally low rating in both groups. 相似文献
20.
This paper firstly identifies the major legacies inherited by the post-colonial government in Hong Kong, with reference to the key features of access, control and curriculum. Subsequently we examine the state's attempts to reconcile the tension between its quest for legitimacy and for stability. Two dimensions of education, namely the process of educational policy making and the nature of citizenship promoted through the school curriculum, are analysed in terms of the conceptions of civic participation and identity promoted and implemented by the state. In conclusion we point to the shift in the policy making process and the strengthening of policy actions designed to promote the state's conception of civic identity. 相似文献