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文章从布尔迪厄的场域理论出发,梳理学术场域和新媒体场域的逻辑和规则,并结合对传播力领先的学术期刊微信公众号的内容分析,揭示学术期刊场域与新媒体场域间的冲突性要素及二者融合的可能性,并在此基础上提出学术期刊新媒体融合发展的传播策略和可行途径. 相似文献
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本文以2013年4月20日发生的雅安地震中的"四川发布"为研究对象,以场域理论为理论基础,探讨突发事件中政务微博场域建构问题.在突发事件中,要实现传播主体与受众政务微博信息传播活动中的传与受的二元共存问题,而传播主体舆论与受众舆论实际涉及到两个舆论场的二次元消解问题.在这样的基础上,突发事件中的政务微博必须要建构信息场域、建构知识场域、建构引导场域和建构认同场域,从而更好地实现政务微博的功能. 相似文献
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本研究透过15位曾任职于余纪忠时期的资深时报人,重访余纪忠与政治权力的折冲与其领导风格,作为媒体老板的参考典范。研究发现,余纪忠时期的《中国时报》在政治场域与当权者的博弈中,被迫采取两手策略,期间历经经济场域中的崛起与没落。而余纪忠的家长式与魅力式领导风格呈现为:"钦点人才,知人用人"、"价值领导,行动实践"、"广纳观点,允许挑战权威"、"事后关切、传达理念"特色。 相似文献
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山西问题疫苗事件中的地方政府与新闻媒体,在布尔迪厄场域理论视野的观照下,按其自身属性,可以分别划归为政治场域与新闻场域。就疫苗是否存在着高温暴露变质,双方有着激烈的争夺。新闻场域作为低自主性的场域与政治、经济场域有着密不可分的联系,在这一事件中新闻媒体区别于三鹿＂毒奶粉＂事件,选择了站在地方实权派的对立面,一方面是出于新闻场域运行逻辑使然,另一方面或许也有自己更深层次的考量,即树立报社的民生品牌形象,尽可能多的占领市场份额。 相似文献
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政务微博的发展和运作已成为当下政府及学界研究的重要课题。作为微博场域中的重要一员,政务微博由于其特殊性和差异性,不仅受到现实权力的控制,而且受到虚拟网络场域的影响,使其在实践中表现出双重特征：官方的政治严肃性与民间公众的亲和性。本文运用法国社会科学家布尔迪厄的场域理论以突破传统的二元对立的观点,分析、解读政务微博实践的策略选择。 相似文献
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网络数据分析平台以"闯入者"的身份进入新闻场域,并以技术优势影响新闻场域中的资本分布与惯习生成.新闻场域呈现出液态特征,该场域中的行动主体在博弈、协商、互动中重塑自身,推动了整个新闻业变革;新闻场域也不断与其他场域交融,从而使新闻场域达成新的动态平衡,同时也增强了该场域的可塑性与可渗透性. 相似文献
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编辑场域就是以传媒组织(出版社、报社、电台、电视台等)中的编辑部为主体,由与之相关的机构、团体(如上级单位或部门、关系单位等)及个人(如编辑、作者、受众等)共同参与的,遵循一定的运行逻辑、游戏规则和位置关系相对独立的客观关系网络.编辑场域是一个结构化的空间,资本的争夺与占有是编辑场域的动力来源,惯习的形成与稳定是编辑场域的行为向度,保守、继承与颠覆是编辑场域的实践策略. 相似文献
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[目的/意义] 借鉴大众传播理论开展高校图书馆微信公众平台的媒介引力场模型及其影响因素研究,有利于高校图书馆与微信平台间的服务融合、创新优化与应用推广,对改善我国高校图书馆服务水平,促进高校图书馆的整体服务能力具有重要的参考意义。[方法/过程] 以马莱茨克大众传播模型（CMR）理论框架为基础构建指标因素,基于DEMATEL系统因素分析的大众传播视角,构建高校图书馆微信公众平台的媒介引力场模型,并对其影响因素进行深度挖掘分析。根据各指标要素的影响度、被影响度、中心度和原因度等影响因素的分析结果,结合因果关系四象限图,提出若干提升高校图书馆微信公众平台服务质量和传播效果的建议和对策。[结果/结论] 提出一种具有创新性、科学性、严谨性的高校图书馆微信公众平台媒介引力场模型和影响因素体系,为高校图书馆微信公众平台服务质量和传播效果评价体系构建提供理论参考辅助。 相似文献
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国外对于传媒与政治信任的关系有不少重要的研究,其研究的焦点集中在传媒是否对公众的政治信任有负面影响上,不少学者持"媒体抑郁论"的观点。但这种观点不断被检验,研究者发现不同传媒变量对不同层次政治信任的影响各不相同。国内在传媒与政治信任方面的研究比较缺乏。该领域的研究可以考虑综合运用质化、量化的研究方法、关注新媒体与政治信任之关系,以及探讨中国传媒与政治信任的关系。 相似文献
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本文基于对交汇点新闻客户端融媒体新闻产品《白衣侠》制作过程的个案研究,探讨主流媒体融媒新闻生产的路径创新。这一路径背后蕴含全新的思考路向,反映出媒介融合从业态层面到社会层面再回到业态层面的过程,有助于我们理解和把握新传播技术变革下的传播实践。 相似文献
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ABSTRACT This experiment (N= 476) investigates how individuals evaluate political candidates who use informal communication on social media. We use expectancy violations theory (EVT) to predict that informal communication will lead to negative evaluations. Our results suggest that politicians’ use of informal communication on social media leads to expectancy violation, which decreases perceived credibility and lessens intention to support a candidate. This effect was not moderated by sex (male versus female) or age (young versus old) of the candidate, nor of participants being the same sex as the candidate. These findings suggest that political figures should use informal communication on social media with caution. 相似文献
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Tamara Witschge 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):342-356
Mediatization of politics in the institutional perspective is commonly taken to refer to the interactions between political actors and media actors, where the first become increasingly governed by media logic and the latter become increasingly independent from other institutions. Even though we could picture the relations between the different constituents as a triangle with audience, media and political actors as equally important corners, the institutionalist perspective does not give equal attention to the audience as actor in the process. In this article, I ask to what extent audience participation in news production affects our understanding of the process of mediatization of politics. I discuss both how audience participation can be seen as a challenge to media's role in politics (challenging the current conceptualization of mediatization of politics) as well as how the theory of mediatization can be seen to be confirmed by currently dominant audience participation practices. In the first understanding, we can argue that audience participation challenges independence of institutional media actors (to give more power to both audiences and politicians). In the latter understanding, audience participation can be seen to be governed by the same commercial interests as other media production and in addition that both mainstream and alternative media are subject to search engine logic. This article then calls for a critical examination of our understanding of mediatization of politics to do justice to the multiplicity of logics informing media practices, the multiplicity of actors producing news and, crucially, the interaction between those logics and actors. 相似文献
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Jörg Haßler 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):326-341
One aspect of the mediatization of politics is the idea that political actors adapt to the communication logic of news media to gain, for example, news media attention. Currently, this process may be influenced by the diffusion of the internet as a political communication channel, especially because online communication provides a new opportunity for political actors to communicate directly with citizens. Thus far, the adaptation to media logic by political parties has mainly been examined in the context of election campaigns. In order to transfer these findings to regular political communication, this study compares the use of media logic in the mass media and in direct political communication channels online and offline about the United Nations Climate Change Conferences 2011 and 2012. A quantitative content analysis of the conference protocols (input) and the presentation of the conference results in the seven most frequently used German offline news outlets (print and TV) and their online counterparts, as well as political offline and online communication channels like parliamentary speeches and websites of the six parties represented in the German parliament (output), was conducted. Results show that in the context of regular political communication, political actors seem to follow media logic to a lesser extent than in the context of election campaigns. Thus far, the influence of online communication on the mediatization of politics seems to be rather marginal. The causes and consequences of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
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This study explores Facebook users’ management behaviors related to their—and their friends'—political communication via social media, utilizing the concepts of context collapse and self-presentation. A new two-factor measure of Facebook management was developed, pilot tested (N = 139) and implemented in a survey utilizing a national sample (N = 352) of individuals aged 18–29. Results indicated Facebook users are not generally engaging in the strategic management of political disclosures or the political content to which they are exposed. However, as network sizes increase, participants engage in more disclosure behaviors and make greater efforts to manage content exposure. Additionally, participants with strong political beliefs engage in more Facebook management behaviors, possibly indicating an effort to limit cognitive dissonance. 相似文献
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Anat Peleg 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):311-325
This paper investigates the characteristics that point to the mediatization of legal coverage in Israel, and the adoption of media rather than legal logic in the coverage of five trials of key political figures between 1961 and 2012 in two leading Israeli newspapers. Using insights from the literature on the mediatization of political coverage, our analysis focused on the changes over time in the type of dramatization of trial news; in the nature of criticism expressed in the press; in the forms of journalists' interventions and judgments; in the context of the meta-coverage of media advisors and media initiatives by legal actors; and the media's own reflections about these interventions. We found that the mediatization of the legal sphere resulted in a “trial by media” where journalists pass judgments on defendants and present media alternatives to legal procedures. Moreover, meta-coverage of the media strategies of legal actors was accompanied by “counter-interventionism”, i.e., journalistic criticism of their own role in cooperating with the media interventions of legal actors. We suggest that this “counter-interventionism” is tied to the defense of the legal sphere by legal journalists. 相似文献
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This article chooses a comparative approach in order to analyze the role played by mass media during the attempted coup d’état in Spain starting on 23 February 1981 and the opening of the Berlin Wall in November 1989. Both episodes demonstrate the media's capacity to articulate political change through their contextualization of particular events. The text focuses on the capacity of the media to frame political episodes, to generate interpretations and thus provide the basis for specific reactions in different audience groups or political instances. For a short period of time (limited to just some hours), the radio and the press in Spain as well as television in East Germany assumed a ‘para-political’ role and set certain events in motion that led to the end of the coup and the fall of the Wall respectively. 相似文献
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Anna Grøndahl Larsen 《Journalism Practice》2017,11(10):1231-1245
The internet and social media sites are used extensively by violent extremist actors, providing new areas of inquiry for journalists reporting violent extremism. Based on 26 in-depth interviews with Norwegian media professionals, the present article describes how journalists monitor, assess, and make use of online information in investigative reporting of violent extremist groups in today’s networked media environment, characterized by complex interaction patterns, a plurality of voices, and blurred boundaries between private and public communication. While existing research on journalists’ use of social media as a source has tended to emphasize breaking news, the present article focuses on longer-term investigative efforts of journalists. The article gives insights into journalistic investigative practices in the networked media environment, in general, and in reporting violent extremism, in particular. 相似文献