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1.
Susan Brownell 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(1):128-143
After the Communist victory in 1949, the People's Republic of China was excluded from most world organisations. China withdrew from the International Olympic Committee in 1958 in protest over its continued recognition of Taiwan, and since it supported the US boycott of the Moscow 1980 Olympics, it did not return to the summer games until the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics. While the diplomatic importance of those games is well known, their importance for China's economic reforms has not been discussed. The Los Angeles Games not only played an important role in the revitalisation of Chinese national identity, but also provided an eye-popping example of marketised sport and mega-events just as the economic reforms were launched. The Los Angeles Games were the first televised broadcast of the popular culture of the West to a wide Chinese audience. The deep impression they left on their Chinese viewers helped to launch China towards becoming the economic power that it became a quarter of a century later. This was symbolically represented at China's first Olympic Games in 2008, when the Olympic flame was lit by Li Ning, the gold medalist in Los Angeles who founded a sporting goods company that is considered as one of the hallmark cases of the reforms. 相似文献
2.
Mark Dyreson 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(1):172-184
The 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles witnessed a transformation in the economic, political and cultural dynamics of the modern Olympic movement. By the 1980s many observers worried that the Olympics tottered on the verge of extinction. Plagued by boycotts, terrorism and intractable national rivalries and beset by financial shortfalls, cost overruns and the expenditure of vast sums for ‘white elephant’ facilities, the list of potential suitors for hosting the games dwindled until only Los Angeles remained. The world had seemingly abandoned the Olympics as too costly and too controversial. Indeed, some forecasters predicted that Los Angeles would signal the death-knell of the modern games. Instead, the organisers of the Los Angeles Olympics transformed the economic, political and cultural dynamics of the games. Fuelled by television broadcasting funds and the billions of viewers that the medium brought to the spectacle, the Olympics in 1984 became a fundamental element in the emergence in the second half of the twentieth century of ‘global television’ – a vast new consumer culture that incorporated the world's nations into an amalgamated audience that shared experiences through their viewing habits. ‘Global television’ transformed the modern Olympic movement – a process that came into clear view in 1984 in Los Angeles. 相似文献
3.
Wayne Wilson 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(1):144-156
The 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Games created a new sponsorship model for organising committees, changed perceptions about the value of hosting the Games, encouraged greater reliance on television revenue and generated a $232.5 million surplus. Although observers rarely cite sports venues as a 1984 legacy, the Los Angeles Olympics resulted in the construction or improvement of nearly 100 sport facilities in Southern California in three decades following the Games. These sports spaces served more than 500,000 young people annually. Much of the construction funding came from grants made by the LA84 Foundation, which was endowed with Southern California's share of the 1984 surplus. The Los Angeles Olympic Organizing Committee (LAOOC) achieved a surplus by producing substantial revenues while tightly controlling costs. A key element of cost control was limited spending on Olympic venues. The LAOOC built only three new venues, relying on existing stadiums for all other venues. The LAOOC's construction budget was significantly lower than those of other Olympic organisers in the 1980s and 1990s. Thus, by building very few new venues for the 1984 Games, the LAOOC laid the groundwork for a legacy of sports fields, tracks, gymnasiums and pools built or improved after 1984. 相似文献
4.
Matthew Llewellyn 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(1):53-71
Behind the shadows of an Olympiad replete with tales of Cold War acrimony and lavish commercial excess, emerges South Africa's bureaucratic attempt to achieve readmission to the Olympic Movement prior to the 1984 Los Angeles Games. In the backdrop of the Reagan administration's conciliatory policy of ‘constructive engagement’ towards Pretoria, the all-white South African National Olympic Committee aspired to cease its two-decade-long sporting isolation in the southern California metropolis. Drawing upon archival materials from the International Olympic Studies Center and public debates in the leading national and sporting newspapers and periodicals of the time, this paper will detail and analyse how International Olympic Committee president Juan Antonio Samaranch was forced to navigate a tight political tightrope over the South African issue. Any concession towards Pretoria would have likely agitated the African-bloc nations – a powerful constituency on the IOC with a proclivity for boycotting Olympic Games – as well as the global-nexus of anti-apartheid groups that vehemently opposed South Africa's participation in Los Angeles. 相似文献
5.
Robert Simon Edelman 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(1):9-36
At the time, the Western press described the Soviet decision not to take part in the Los Angeles Olympic Games as revenge for the boycott of Moscow-1980. Even today, the ‘revenge thesis’ is still the default explanation for those who would cite the events of 1984. Since the collapse of the USSR, Soviet-era archives have opened, giving an inside look at their decision-making. An examination of the reports reveals that the Politburo voted to expend vast resources to preparing Soviet athletes for the 1984 Olympic Games in Los Angeles. The best revenge among their politicians, athletes, coaches, officials and journalists was to smash the Americans on American soil. Along the way the Soviets signed contracts and negotiated conditions as if they intended to take part. Then two things changed: party leader Yuri Andropov, a proponent of participation, was replaced in February 1984 by the aging and ill Konstantin Chernemko, an Olympic sceptic; and Soviet pilots on September 1, 1983, shot down a Korean airliner that had strayed into Soviet airspace, killing 269 innocents. These events energised conservative opinion in the USA. Elements on the far right called for the Soviets to be banned from the Games. The leading group, the Ban the Soviet Coalition, later threatened Soviet athletes and announced they would try to get them to defect. This was a small group deemed unimportant by the Los Angeles Olympic Organising Committee and the White House. Yet, the Soviets somehow contrived to actually believe this small collection of right-wing politicians and businesspeople were a real threat. Ultimately, it was fear of this less than fearsome group and State Department resistance that led the Politburo to keep their athletes home. 相似文献
6.
Stephan Wassong 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(2):218-237
In 1932, as a prelude to the Los Angeles Olympics, an international gathering of supporters of ‘Sport for All’ held the first International Recreation Congress. The meeting sought to revive the original connection established during the early decades of the Olympic Movement by the Baron Pierre de Coubertin between the elite sporting spectacles he created and his commitment to active mass recreation for modern societies. The International Olympic Committee had a long and complex relationship with ‘Sport for All’ programmes, as revealed in this initial meeting of mass recreation enthusiasts and the subsequent congresses that followed. The International Olympic Committee leaders who inherited Coubertin's mantle used the recreation conclave to push the responsibility of implementing ‘sport for all’ onto other agencies rather than returning the Olympic Movement to the centre of the struggle – as Coubertin desired. While scholars have paid considerable attention to other elements of the 1932 Los Angeles games, the International Recreation Congress has been neglected, even though it created important legacies for the struggles between elite and mass sport during the rest of the twentieth century. 相似文献
7.
Simona Petracovschi 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(7):774-788
While the Los Angeles Olympic Games in 1984 constituted Romania's best performance ever, 2012 London Olympic Games were characterised by the worst performance in its history. During the time between these two events, the country went from being a communist regime to a liberal government. This transition invites consideration of the transformation Romania's sports policy underwent and its repositioning with regard to the Olympic Movement, both before and after the 1989 turning point. Analysis suggests that, in failing to professionalise Romanian sport, the Romanian Olympic and Sports Committee (COSR) was tempted to readopt a model of state-financed sport, with the aim of reinstating the nation to its former position among the world's sporting elite. 相似文献
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10.
John Gleaves 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(1):89-107
At the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Games, the US cycling team not only won its first Olympic cycling medal since 1912 but also added eight more, marking a triumph for the team and its Polish-born coach, Eddie Borysewicz. Soon, however, news leaked that the seven members of the US cycling team, four of whom won medals, had employed controversial blood transfusions. Though not prohibited by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), the news caused a firestorm within the press and led to a significant revision of the IOC Medical Commission's anti-doping rules. Previous historical scholarship has ignored this event, focusing instead on early doping scandals such as Knud Jensen or more recent controversies such as Ben Johnson and Lance Armstrong. However, this event caused a significant shift within the IOC Medical Commission's attitude towards doping. Prior to 1984, the IOC Medical Commission had hesitated to prohibit any substance, including anabolic steroids, if it could not detect the substance through testing. The willingness of the US team to experiment with new medical procedures to improve performance galvanised the Medical Commission and set in motion new anti-doping policies that remain in place today. 相似文献
11.
Jaime Schultz 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(1):72-88
The 1984 Los Angeles Games hosted, for the first time in Olympic history, a women's marathon race. It took the efforts of several important factions to accomplish the event. First, women runners demonstrated that they were capable of running great distances in increasingly faster times. Second, the popular media publicised those performances, often mitigating athletic commentary with observations about the runners' femininity, attractiveness and relationships with men. Finally, commercial sponsors joined the ranks in this marathon battle to finance important events, running circuits and advocacy groups while simultaneously promoting their own brands of commodity feminism. In the end, it took the coming together of the physical activists, media advocates and corporate champions to accomplish this milestone in sport history. 相似文献
12.
Toby C. Rider 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(1):37-52
Due to the decision of the Soviet Union and nearly all of its East European satellites to withdraw from the 1984 Los Angeles Summer Games, the communist media provided audiences in the Soviet bloc with few reports on the sporting events in the Olympic city. When Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, broadcasters funded by the US government, attempted to fill this ‘information gap’ by beaming coverage of the Los Angeles Games behind the Iron Curtain, the Soviet Union protested to the International Olympic Committee. They claimed, with a mixture of fact and fiction, that the Radios were tools of the American intelligence establishment and accused them of broadcasting ‘subversive’ propaganda to Eastern Europe and the USSR. Stirred into action by this Soviet manoeuvre, leading spokesmen for the Radios were joined by government officials, private citizens, US Olympic Committee members and the American media in a concerted attempt not only to defend the work of the broadcasters, but also to secure their press accreditation for Los Angeles. 相似文献
13.
Andrea L. Stanton 《国际体育史杂志》2014,31(3):290-305
Since its independence in 1946, Syria has fielded a team for every summer Olympic competition except 1956, yet has won only three Olympic medals. In contrast with its smaller, higher-powered neighbour Lebanon, its participation at the Olympics has been consistent but limited, with the country making little impact internationally. Yet the history of Syria's involvement with the Olympics reflects key elements of its political and social history: its ambitious but short-lived partnership with Egypt, the Baathist-supported promotion of women as athletes and head of the National Olympic Committee and its commitment to participation in the vexed but ideologically important Pan-Arab Games. This article uses official International Olympic Committee publications and related press coverage to examine the history of Syria's involvement with the Olympic Games, the Mediterranean Games and the Pan-Arab Games. It argues that Syria's participation was initially important not for its medal count but for the ‘sign of statehood' that membership in the Olympic community conferred, and that its participation in regional games supported Syria's political positions as a Baathist, Arab republic. It concludes by contending that these political commitments have renewed salience as the conflict in Syria that began in March 2011 continues, and the country's participation in Olympic and regional games becomes increasingly politicised. 相似文献
14.
Propaganda and Censorship for the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Games: The Internal Politics of Ceausescu
Simona Petracovschi 《国际体育史杂志》2016,33(16):2046-2058
The aim of this paper is to present an overview of the USSR boycott of the 1984 Olympic Games and Nicolae Ceausescu’s decision to send the Romanian Olympic team to Los Angeles, from an internal politics perspective. All the existing analyses study the situation from the perspective of international relations but the aim of this paper is to analyze the ways that Ceausescu incorporates this decision into his own ideology and how the Romanian people were informed. The sports news was published in the newspaper Sportul and some in Scanteia (‘The Official Newspaper of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Parti’). We will analyze all the relevant material from January until the end of August 1984 and will focus on the characteristics of propaganda and censorship used to convince the population about Ceausescu’s reasons to participate at the Olympic Games despite the situation. Dominated by the idea of a ‘multilateral developed society’, Ceausescu incorporated sport as part of this ideology and in the case of the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Games, he manipulated the population through the media in a particular manner, centred on his ‘cult of personality’. 相似文献
15.
改革开放以来,我国综合实力不断增强。就体育而言,从19 8 4年洛衫矶奥运会夺取第一枚金牌到2008年北京奥运会获得金牌总数第一,中国竞技体育的崛起也已举世瞩目。中国的崛起不仅仅以发展速度来衡量,也包括意识形态、价值观念、社会制度等＂软实力＂。体育同样需要为了民族大众的体质健康水平来超越思想认识,提高其精与神,这是体育文化素养和内涵中＂软实力＂的具体表现。 相似文献
16.
Tien-Chin Tan 《国际体育史杂志》2015,32(8):1071-1084
For most countries with developed economies, the increasing prevalence of a sedentary lifestyle has led to a decline in adolescents' physical fitness and increased risk of chronic disease and obesity. A common solution to this problem has been to encourage greater youth participation in sports and physical activities. However, there is little evidence to suggest that this approach has been successful. Since the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Games, the development of elite sports in China has received increasing attention, reaching its climax during the Beijing Olympic Games, where China won the most gold medals. According to a study undertaken by Dong Xinguang, who designed the ‘Outline of the National Fitness Program,’ China's success in elite sports has, to some degree, been built at the expense of the country's national fitness. This study focuses on the sport-for-all policy change, especially the changes to the Peoples Republic of China's (PRC) national fitness policy after an official speech delivered after the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games by the president of the PRC, Hu Jintao, who, for the first time, mentioned the idea of ‘changing from a major sports country to a world sports power.’ In an attempt to help assess the extent of change in China's national fitness policy, this study adopts the five policy change indicators (comprising organization, statutes, budget, personnel, and the media) developed by Hogwood and Peters and Juang. Furthermore, elite theory is adopted as our analytical framework to explain how the political elites have tackled the difficulties in promoting sports in China. Finally, our findings are presented in three parts: the driving forces behind the policy change, policy change reflected in the five dimensions, and the conclusion. 相似文献
17.
Satoshi Shimizu 《国际体育史杂志》2014,31(6):601-617
Since the first Modern Olympics in 1896 only a few cities have hosted or will host the Summer Olympic and Paralympic Games more than once: London, Paris, Los Angeles, Athens and Tokyo. There is no doubt that the improvements in infrastructures and structural changes that were carried out for Tokyo in preparation for the 1964 Tokyo Olympics demonstrated that ‘Japan was experiencing remarkable economic growth’. The ‘development’ of Tokyo, 97% of the Olympic budget being earmarked for improvements to infrastructures, resulted in excessively centralised politics and economics. Looking at the bidding process to host the 2016 and 2020 Olympics, it can be seen that various expectations of sports are political in nature: from the political problem of remembering legacies as mere representations to the current situation of a nation basing its presence on involvement in the Olympics. The Sports Promotion Act enacted in 1961 was revised 50 years later, and policies on sport came to be regarded as national strategies. The new act became the basis for establishing the Sports Agency and specified governmental support for hosting the international sporting events it promotes. The time has come to seriously consider the necessity of critically arguing about nationalism, as well as how to determine the relationship between a nation and sport in terms of sport governance. 相似文献
18.
Sérgio Settani Giglio 《国际体育史杂志》2017,34(11):1128-1139
AbstractThe 1936 Olympic Games are considered to be the explicit union of sports and politics. Many studies have analysed the accomplishments of Jesse Owens at Hitler’s Olympics. However, football provides another collision between sports and politics at the same Olympic Games, which also impacts the debate regarding the relationship between sports and politics. That relationship is rarely studied. Football had been out of the Olympic programme of the 1932 Los Angeles Games and returned to the programme for the 1936 Berlin Games. However, on its return there was an incident in the match between Peru and Austria in the second round of the tournament. It all started when a spectator invaded the field and kicked an Austrian athlete. The match was restarted and Peru won the game in overtime. After the game the Austrians formalized a protest and FIFA set up a European committee to review the case. Through historical analysis, from official documents and newspapers of that time, this episode showed two points: that FIFA was a Eurocentric entity; and that sports and politics go together, after all, since in the rescheduled new game, Peru, as a protest and in a demand for dignity, withdrew its entire delegation from the Olympic Games. 相似文献
19.
AbstractIn August of 1983 at the Pan-American Games in Caracas, Venezuela, a multi-faceted doping crisis occurred that overshadowed all other aspects of the games. This essay marks the first attempt to historicize the events surrounding this watershed moment in the fight against drug use in sport. Doping was revealed in three ways in Caracas: by the large number of positive tests that resulted in the first loss to doping of medals in the history of the Pan-American Games, by the exodus of the 12 American track and field athletes who flew home rather than be subject to testing in the sophisticated lab run by Dr Manfred Donike, and by a rash of ‘injuries’ and unexpectedly poor performances that kept athletes out of the medals and thus out of Donike’s lab. In the aftermath of the games, the United States Olympic Committee implemented new policies to ensure that Americans competing in the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Games would not run the risk of similar public embarrassment. 相似文献
20.
体育大国不仅是奥运金牌大国，参加奥运会历史、为奥运会所作的贡献以及体育促进本国社会发展，也是体育大国标准。从美国、德国、瑞士等国的竞技体育发展历程中，可以得到这样的启示：中国未来强盛之路是竞技体育强盛带动大众体育发展、引导青少年健康成长和对世界体育发展做贡献. 相似文献