共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Hyoungkoo Khang 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):47-63
This study intends to examine the representation of cultural values through the presidential candidate debates of the US and South Korea. A content analysis of the videostyles of debates in these two countries showed that political debates seemed to manifest differences in cultural values at large due to their nature as conspicuous indicators of cultural values. By examining specific verbal components of the debates, however, this study revealed that the nature of presidential debates might actually overpower cultural norms, which are likely to be embedded in debates. These findings imply that by imitating campaign practice developments in the US, many countries are transitioning to media-centered democracies in which various forms of mass media, particularly television, technological innovations, and political marketing approaches, have grown to play a significant role in influencing and changing the nature of electoral communication and other political practices around the globe. 相似文献
2.
Louise M. Benjamin 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):607-608
Media studies scholars have employed the "cultural circuit" model to analyze media in the context of capitalist political economy. This model identifies interrelated "moments" in which the meanings of cultural products are determined, negotiated, and subverted in interaction between producers and audiences. The turbulent evolution of new media, however, requires continuous reflection on the adequacy of conceptual tools. Analysis of recent controversy surrounding the Internet music-exchange service Napster indicates that the cultural circuit model must be modified to accommodate the emerging media of cyber-culture. 相似文献
3.
New media technologies are often met with political and public ambivalence, as they are perceived to threaten established activities, values and institutions, as well as bring progress and improve political, cultural and social life. Taking the Norwegian history of television as an empirical case study, this article relates to an international research agenda focusing on the cultural political debates in the early phases of broadcast media. The article is structured according to five key conjunctures where significant new media and technologies were introduced with corresponding political debates: the introduction of television (1940s–1950s), of colour television (1960s–1970s), of satellite, cable and commercial television (1980s), of digital distribution (1990s–2000s) and the expansion of television to new platforms (2000s). The article addresses the key arguments and dividing lines in these political debates, as well as the change in the perception of television when the medium is no longer new, but has become an integrated part of people's everyday life. 相似文献
4.
Sarah A. Wilcox 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(3):225-247
Recent biological research into homosexuality has been heavily publicized in the media and has been central to intense political and cultural debates over sexuality. This paper presents an analysis of how biological ideas about sexuality have been represented in the media, and of the role that the media have played in circulating ideas about biology and sexuality throughout society. The content of media coverage of scientific research on homosexuality is influenced by the conventions of scientific journalism, which require discussion of the scientific context of particular studies and qualified statements about the conclusions that can be drawn from the research. The coverage is deeply contradictory, however. Biology is popularly understood as biological determinism and in terms of a dichotomy between being born gay and choosing to be gay. The idea that being gay is a choice is prominent in the political agenda of the religious right, but the role of the right as political actor in debates over sexuality is not included in most media coverage of specific scientific studies. Instead, only the claims of gay people are presented as self-interested and political, and science is presented as an arbiter that will grant or deny legitimacy to these claims. 相似文献
5.
Timothy A. Gibson 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(4):283-304
Local disputes over land use and urban development generate some of the most heated struggles in American politics. Yet the role of local media organizations in covering debates over urban development has been woefully understudied by media scholars. To address this soft spot in the critical media literature, this article offers an investigation of how the local press covered a particularly bitter debate over one urban redevelopment proposal in Seattle during the mid‐1990s. Drawing on Hallin, who predicts that reporters will abandon professional codes of neutrality and balance when they perceive the political field to be unified around a single position, an examination of sourcing patterns in the Seattle case suggests that local reporters cover debates over urban development from a spurious assumption of “consensus”—an assumption that privileges the voices of downtown business leaders and pro‐development public officials. A concluding section offers suggestions for future investigation into the intersection of local media and urban development politics, drawing particularly on Bourdieu's notion of “symbolic capital” to explore how such presumptions of consensus are cultivated, maintained, and contested within the local public sphere. 相似文献
6.
David Morley 《The Communication Review》2013,16(2):79-105
In this article, the author offers a contextualist approach to contemporary debates about new (and old) media in different historical times and geographical places. This approach, rather than starting with the internal essence of a technology and then attempting to deduce its effects from its technical specifications, begins with an analysis of the interactional and cultural systems in play in a particular context and then investigates how any particular technology is fitted into them. Building on his previous work in microanalyses of technology use in the home, and drawing on recent debates in technology studies and media anthropology, he further develops the implications of this approach, at a macro level, in terms of temporal and cultural contexts. The article concludes by reviewing the outstanding problems that still confront our field, in respect to its deeply ingrained presumptions concerning the universal relevance of what are, in fact, specifically Western (and thus contingent) relations between television, technology and national cultures. 相似文献
7.
论古代藏书楼与社会经济发展的关系 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
藏书楼的发展与社会的经济、政治、学术文化等方面有着必然的联系,一定的政治经济和文化环境决定了当时当地不同藏书楼的发展速度、规模和形式,反之,藏书楼本身则因其所包含的特定文化内涵对社会产生反作用。本文主要讨论社会经济发展与藏书楼发展之间的关系。 相似文献
8.
PER‐EDVIN PERSSON 《Curator: The Museum Journal》2000,43(1):9-17
In a competitive environment, established cultural institutions need to justify their activities and to provide measurable indications of success when applying for public and private funds. Science centers are part of the movement striving to enhance public understanding of science. The educational aspects of science centers have been the subject of numerous studies, while there is much less tangible information on the economic, political, or public impact of our institutions. There is clear evidence that learning behaviors occur in non‐formal settings. Crude assessments of the economic contribution by a cultural institution to the local economy can fairly easily be made. These include the direct purchasing power of the institutional budget and the salaries that the employees get, and an estimate of the direct costs related to the visits. An indication of the impact on local communities may be estimated from the attendance figures as a percentage of the total metropolitan population. Science centers tend to attract media attention for the exhibitions, programs, and events that they stage. This can be measured. The impact on the local economy, on political agendas, and on public perception of science has been only rudimentarily studied. Methods have not been developed, nor have the critical questions been clarified. More research, including compilation of existing scattered proprietary data, is needed. An active role in promoting a research agenda, or at least in compiling and accessing relevant data, could be taken by the professional organizations of science centers. 相似文献
9.
Throughout the literature much of the research on political campaign debates has focused on presidential debates and has largely ignored non‐presidential debates, particularly those featuring candidates competing in mixed‐gender races. The purpose of this study is to draw attention to these non‐presidential debates and particularly those in which gender may play a pivotal role. Through our analysis of four debates—two gubernatorial and two U.S. Senate debates—we advance the notion of debatestyle as a useful analytic scheme to examine the verbal content of female and male candidate debate dialogue. While few differences in female and male debatestyles ultimately emerged, results of the current study indicate that female and male political candidates, when engaged in debate, adopt a strategy of gendered adaptiveness that offers important contributions to both research on political debates as well as research on gender and politics. 相似文献
10.
Fiona Allon 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(2-3):216-221
This essay suggests that cultural studies, media studies and communications need to focus on the changes and challenges associated with this particular historical conjuncture, and re-assess the kinds of analysis that can most fruitfully contribute to this critical project. This requires rethinking some conventional assumptions about everyday life, media texts and communications technologies so that a more nuanced understanding of the imbrication between culture, labour and economy in the present moment may be developed. 相似文献
11.
国外对于传媒与政治信任的关系有不少重要的研究,其研究的焦点集中在传媒是否对公众的政治信任有负面影响上,不少学者持"媒体抑郁论"的观点。但这种观点不断被检验,研究者发现不同传媒变量对不同层次政治信任的影响各不相同。国内在传媒与政治信任方面的研究比较缺乏。该领域的研究可以考虑综合运用质化、量化的研究方法、关注新媒体与政治信任之关系,以及探讨中国传媒与政治信任的关系。 相似文献
12.
David Buckingham 《The Communication Review》2013,16(1-2):51-60
This article explores some of the dilemmas and difficulties encountered by academic researchers (and specifically those who work on media audiences) in presenting their work in the public domain. It considers some examples of media coverage of debates about media audiences, raising questions about academic authority, research evidence and public knowledge. It points to the limitations of a view of such debates as “moral panics” and proposes a different approach based on social constructionist analyses of “social problems.” It concludes by considering some of the ambivalence and uncertainty that surrounds the increasingly common requirement for academics to become engaged with the public at large. 相似文献
13.
14.
Marco Calavita 《The Communication Review》2013,16(1):23-43
Using cultural studies and media ecology perspectives, I analyze data collected from 15 Generation Xers about how they remember and understand the roles played by family and news media in the development of their politics-what is usually referred to as political socialization. This study suggests that news media are understood best not as discrete agents of influence, but rather as environments within which individuals develop politically. It finds that news media are of subtle-but-fundamentally powerful ecological importance, not just because news media engagement interrelates with, and takes place in the context of, institutions and phenomena like the family, but because all aspects of the larger culture and society-including family-are themselves shaped by mass media. Future scholarship should denote and more fully explore this fruitful tension between the cultural studies theorization of subjectivity and agency, and the media ecology theorization of media as environments with structuring biases. 相似文献
15.
Michael L. Wayne 《The Communication Review》2013,16(4):271-274
This paper highlights, through a critical political economy approach, a number of inequalities, or “divides,” that have been neglected in digital divides research, divides arising from the domination of social media platform ownership by a few for-profit corporations. As a result, the paper calls for an expansion of digital divides research to include a critical examination of the empowerment relations flowing from the contexts of digital media technologies themselves and not just the contexts of users. 相似文献
16.
Jarrod Waetjen 《传播与批判/文化研究》2013,10(1):3-26
Recent years have seen a productive dialogue develop between political-economic and cultural approaches to media studies. In this spirit, this article draws on the analytic tools of political economy to produce a textual analysis of J. K. Rowling's Harry Potter series. In particular, we argue that Rowling has woven throughout the Potter series a set of contradictory discourses related to class and consumerism. Yet out of this heteroglossia, AOL Time Warner—the holder of the series’ film and merchandising rights—has activated a narrow reading of Harry Potter that subordinates Rowling's critique of social inequality and materialism while amplifying those moments in the texts that celebrate the “magic” of commodity consumption. Our conclusion discusses the role such corporate activations might play in the struggle over how commodity production and consumption will be understood in the wider social field. 相似文献
17.
Why People Dual Screen Political Debates and Why It Matters for Democratic Engagement 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Dual screening during televised election debates is a new domain in which political elites and journalists seek to influence audience attitudes and behavior. But to what extent do non-elite dual screeners seek to influence others, particularly their social media followers, social media users in general, and even politicians and journalists? And how does this behavior affect short- and longer-term engagement with election campaigns? Using unique, event-based, panel survey data from the main 2015 UK general election debate (Wave 1 = 2,351; Wave 2 = 1,168) we reveal the conditions under which people experience agency, empowerment, and engagement now that social media have reconfigured broadcast political television. 相似文献
18.
《Journal of Media Economics》2013,26(2):103-116
Starting with a brief overview of the political economy perspective, this article ad- dresses its interest in media concentration and convergence and proceeds to examine spatial convergence and its consequences in New York City. It describes some of the spatial and transformative aspects of this convergence, including the rise of a new media industry, and takes up its wider political, economic, social, and cultural implications. 相似文献
19.
William L. Benoit 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(4):319-325
This study investigates the relationship between attacks and defenses in political debates. Being the target of an attack provides a candidate with opportunity and motivation to defend; hence, the frequency of attacks directed toward a candidate should be directly related to the number of defenses produced by that candidate. This study employs four data sets to test this expectation: 23 U.S. general presidential debates, 59 U.S. presidential primary debates, 12 U.S. Senate debates, and 10 non-U.S. debates (France, Israel, Taiwan, and Ukraine). Statistical analysis confirms that there is a significant positive relationship between number of attacks aimed at a candidate and the number of defenses employed by that candidate in all four samples of political campaign debates. Arguably, this form of direct clash between candidates could be particularly beneficial to voters as it provides a deeper understanding of the pros and cons of governmental policy and related issues. 相似文献
20.
Jonathan Sterne 《The Communication Review》2013,16(1):59-89
Since the 1980s, writers in cultural policy studies have used Michel Foucault\rquote s writing on governmentality to rethink the relationship between intellectuals in the humanities and liberal (or neoliberal) states. One of the founding members of the Australian cultural policy studies school, Tony Bennett, has argued for a model of intellectual as a cultural technicisn who works with the state bureaucracies. This article uses Bennett\rquote s work as an entry-point into questions about the role of critical intellectual, the nature of state power and bureaucracy, and function of culture. It argues that if cultural policy studies is going to claim to be doing bureaucratic work for the sake of politics (rather than for purposes of self-interest), then it will have to supplement governmentality with other theories that help sort our relationships among intellectuals, political constituencies, and the state. 相似文献