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政治文明是用以调节公权力和私人利益关系的价值规范、组织体系和制度安排的总和,其包括政治意识文明、政治制度文明和政治行为文明。大众传媒具有政治监督、影响决策、沟通社会、传播民主价值等民主功能,对政治文明建设具有积极的促进和作用。 相似文献
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大众传媒作为一个沟通公民世界和公共权力的桥梁,能够拉近公民和国家的距离,增强公民的民主意识和参与精神,消除公民对政治的冷漠感。大众传媒作为培养公民精神的制度平台,有助于培育公民自由、平等、宽容的民主精神,有助于公民形成积极参与的习惯和民主作风,有助于公民形成超越个体利益的公共关怀意识,并最终形成民主的生活方式。 相似文献
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大众媒介:权力的眼睛 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
关系是一种资源 ,因为掌握某种关系资源而可能在一定局面中处于支配地位 ,拥有相当的权力 ,对于加入我们这个社会时日不久但颇具影响的力量———大众媒介而言 ,究竟它是如何调动政治、经济、文化等诸种关系来获取自己的权力、始终是一个并不明确的问题。特别是在考虑权力的必然取向———利益时 ,媒介又是在如何维持着自身的生存 ,或者背离传播的初衷 ,同样是个令人注目却又含混的话题。本文利用米歇尔·福柯等人的观点 ,通过5个层次分析 ,来澄清权力的概念 ,揭示大众传媒权力产生的关系基础 ,描绘媒介权力的形态 ,指出媒介运用权力时的问题以及提出我们可能的对策 ,以期对大众传媒的健康发展尤其是权力运用的合理化提供一个清晰的背景。 相似文献
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公共事件来源于公民的公共需求,来源于具有公共责任感与公共良知的大众传媒的发现。在现代民主国家政治体系中,揭示公民公共需求而产生的公共事件,使这些公共事件引起政府与公众的公共关注,是大众传媒的首要公共责任。现代民主国家公共事件的发生,主要依赖于大众传媒的大众传播形式,它能克服传统社会人际传播形式的弊端,在发现和传播公共事件,使公共事件获得政府与社会公众公共关注的过程中,具有传统社会人际传播无可比拟的优势。 相似文献
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民主政治是政治文明的高度体现,民主政治的核心是政治参与,缺乏政治参与,民主便无法体现人民主权、自由和平等的价值.公民政治参与的前提是政治信息的沟通和知晓,大众传媒(包括报纸、期刊、广播电视、互联网等)是社会信息传播系统,其在政治生活中构筑的公共领域平台,对于公民广泛的政治参与可以起到重要的支撑作用,因此,在政治文明建设中具有重要的地位,本文以三鹿奶粉事件为例,分析大众传媒在政治文明建设中的作用. 相似文献
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政府传播处于政府行为和传播行为的交汇点,作为执政主体的政府本身的行为固然重要,而大众传媒对其执政方式的解释则发挥着更核心的作用。本文认为,政治话语在抵达社会之前需要与媒介共谋、转化为媒介话语,才能被关注。从政府管理者的执政艺术和传播个性来看,硬权力对应硬性命令的强制型传播,软权力对应软性同化的感召型传播,巧权力对应刚柔并济的复合型传播。 相似文献
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国家形象构建:政治传播及传媒影响力 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
政治传播:国家形象构建中的大众传媒实质在构建自身形象过程中,大众传媒更多地体现出来的是一种施加影响的操控力,这是其与生俱来的固有属性之一。质言之,大众传媒的出发和立足点都是一种政治传播。对于国家形象构建而言,一个国家在媒介中表现出来的形象基本代表着国家的形象,其话语影响力象征着国家的力量,对其他国际行为体辐射着“硬权力”难以企及的影响力。与之交相辉映的是,政治本身也隐含传播的涵义。在现实国际政治生活中,即令是一个拥有绝对霸权的国家,也需要将自身的战略构想、行动理念、价值观念、方针政策等传播出去、公之于众,… 相似文献
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"传播工具不仅通过显示警察和政府的形象、宣读政治新闻条目来引导人们关心政治大事、增加政治知识,而且它还往往是政治暗示的传播者,能加强人民现有的政治倾向."本论断指出了大众传媒政治传播现象的存在.从大众传媒诞生的第一天起,实际就已介入到政治和政治活动中.在政治与传播的关系上,我国传播学者邵培仁给出了"政治即是传播"的论断,指明"传播是政治的控制器,政治是传播的主神经". 相似文献
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本文根据马克思的一些基本思想,重点从受众观念、责任意识内涵的变化中,分析了资本在新闻生产关系变革中的作用,认为30年来推动中国新闻生产关系变革的力量是资本;但在目前的新闻生产领域,资本的力量与传统社会的权力之间,呈现的是一种错综复杂的博弈关系,政治利益主体的一元化与经济利益主体的多元化是当下中国媒体面临的主要矛盾。 相似文献
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Andrew Rojecki 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):152-171
Post-cold war theories of the press and foreign policy have noted a new, less consistent relationship between political and media elites. Political communication scholars have developed three general models in response, but these do not seem to map well to press coverage of the anti-globalization movement that has emerged in recent years. This paper argues for a new theory of the press and oppositional politics in an environment that has altered the equilibrium between media, political elites, and interest groups. The new political environment results from three principal causes: the erosion of state sovereignty over the political economy, the elimination of the Soviet system as a rhetorical resource for movement critics, and new information technologies that alter movement structure and thus increase its resilience. Analysis of two streams of media content, news and editorial, on the protests at the 1999 meetings of the World Trade Organization reveals an anomalous reversal for received theories of media and elite power in the way the mainstream press covers movement politics. 相似文献
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Anthony Y.H. Fung 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):18-46
Political groups have long existed in Hong Kong since 1949. The ‘consultative government’ was hostile towards groups which were critical of government policies. Before the 1980s, in a minimally‐integrated media‐political system, mass media, in compliance with the government served to undermine their legitimacy. Party politics and political parties were framed as ‘dirty polities’. However, the move towards a representative government since the 1980s in face of the power transfer to China, together with the 4 June incident, have transformed the public's stance towards the newly established democratic groups. In response to the changing public opinion, the media started in the late 1980s to give consent to the emergence of party politics in the democratic system. In the first direct Legislative Council in 1991, mass media ‘incorporated’ party politics as part the local political system. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTWhen Stuart Hall and his Birmingham School colleagues argued that media technologies were essential to the production of moral panics, they focused on the relationship between mass media and the state. Because new technologies have altered our cultures of ostracism and punishment, we offer a revised analysis of this relationship that examines the role of online shaming in current moral panics. Not only do we analyze the new technological affordances of digital media, we argue that our current shaming culture is symptomatic of a deep-seated political disenfranchisement that leaves subjects grasping to “do something.” Contributing to a social media-driven panic culture that punishes and ostracizes deviants thus stands in for meaningful political participation. Ultimately, we argue that the evolving orientation to public life fostered by these new technologies has created a culture of shaming whereby citizens often prosecute their own discrete moral panics amid the more sustained sense of political crisis that characterizes contemporary life. 相似文献
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Mattias Ekman 《Journalism Practice》2015,9(1):78-91
The emergence of social media raises new questions concerning the relationship between journalists and politicians and between news media and politics. The increasingly complex media milieu, in which the boundaries between media producers and audiences become partly dissolved, calls for new theoretical approaches in the study of journalism. This article reassesses central theoretical arguments about the relationship between journalism, sources, politics and democracy. Drawing on a pilot study of the printed press, it explores the increased social media use among politicians in Sweden and its implications for political journalism. The article suggests that power relations between journalism and politics can be fruitfully explored from the perspective of mediatized interdependency, a perspective that acknowledges that journalists and politicians have become both actors and sources through mutual interaction in online spaces. Furthermore, it argues that social media use has expanded journalism's interest in the private life of politicians, thereby contributing to a de-politicization of politics. 相似文献
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Masahiro Yamamoto Matthew James Kushin Francis Dalisay 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(2):149-168
To examine the role of social media use in the process of political disaffection, a web survey of young adults was conducted prior to the 2012 U.S. presidential election. Results showed that the positive relationship between cynicism and apathy was weaker for respondents who paid greater attention to social media for political information. Also, the indirect relationship between cynicism and apathy through external political efficacy was weaker for those who paid greater attention to social media for political information. We discuss implications for the role of social media in political disaffection. 相似文献
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Rita Figueiras 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2019,36(2):171-183
The article explores the relationship between the punditry sphere and democracy by analyzing how pundits and media organizations think about their audience. It also examines the role of punditry in the political environment in which the media organizations operate. Using Portugal as an example, the study draws on data gathered from interviews with pundits, journalists and news editors. Findings suggest that pundits and media organizations construct a punditry sphere that revolves around the circles of power. The article argues that this conception of the punditry sphere reflects the reward system under which pundits and media organizations work. Punditry seems to be a field primarily oriented to pundits themselves and to managing their stakes in the public arena while operating as a sphere where media organizations rework their relations with and within established powers, where politicians hold a special place. This construction reflects the co-dependence between media organizations and circles of power in Portugal and offers organizational-structural understanding of the logics of the punditry sphere and the role pundits play in public communication. 相似文献
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Social media activism has become very relevant for many student activist groups. How can political use of social media be motivated? The concept of Social Media Political Efficacy was proposed to resolve inconsistencies in prior theories of social media activism. A survey (n = 222) of members of 3 student activist groups showed that social media political efficacy was positively related to successful experiences using social media for activism. The relationship between social media political efficacy and social media activism was stronger than that between the concept of political efficacy employed in prior research and social media activism. Theory and social media activism implications are discussed. 相似文献
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This study investigates whether perceptions of the media and the public are related to political participation in Colombia. Communication researchers have built a large body of literature on hostile media perceptions and the projection effect, respectively. This study links these perceptual effects with each other and with political participation. Analyzing survey data from a representative sample of Colombian adults in urban areas, we show a direct relationship between hostile media perceptions and participation but no direct relationship between projection and participation. Hostile media perceptions and projection are negatively related. Results suggest that perceived media bias attenuates projection but increases political engagement. 相似文献
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政治的中介化是近来媒体与政治关系研究的重点,但运用这个概念的学者多强调大众媒体作为一种传播技术和手段在政治传播领域中地位的变化,并未深入体察新闻话语在其中的影响和作用。基于对相关概念的辨析,新闻话语形成的历史回顾,和国情咨文讲话媒体报道的个案分析,本文认为新闻话语的形成以及对政治话语的干预(主要体现为对政治的诠释)才是中介化发展的内在驱动力,而且至今也是媒体对政治发挥影响的主要手段。 相似文献