共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 546 毫秒
1.
Donna Wong 《国际体育史杂志》2013,30(13):1831-1851
Hailed as the flagship of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) strategy regarding young people, the organising of the Youth Olympic Games (YOG) was approved by the IOC in 2007 and Singapore was subsequently selected as the first host city for the summer YOG. Although the YOG is going to be the first new event the IOC has staged since the 1924 winter Olympic Games, its novelty may not be as radical as first impressions may suggest. This paper charts the chronological development of the YOG through a broad overview of little-known Youth Olympic Festivals, which the YOG is reported to be modelled after, and traces the political/economical/ideological contexts for the conception of the YOG. Despite being the latest addition to the Olympics family, the YOG is not spared from conflicts and tensions which inundated the Olympic Games. This paper aims to exemplify the range of debates presented by the launch of the YOG and contribute to the literature examining the opportunities and challenges presented by the launch of the YOG. 相似文献
2.
Barbara Keys 《国际体育史杂志》2017,34(11):1161-1178
AbstractIn the aftermath of a widespread boycott of the 1980 Moscow Olympics that challenged the legitimacy of the Olympic Games, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) began a vigorous but unsuccessful effort, lasting from 1982 to 1985, to convince the UN General Assembly to pass a resolution committing governments not to boycott the Games. Drawing on archives in Switzerland, the UK, Ireland, and Canada, this article brings to light this forgotten but important episode from the early years of Juan Antonio Samaranch’s presidency. The ambitious Samaranch and his limelight-seeking ally, Canadian Richard ‘Dick’ Pound, vastly overestimated the IOC’s global political capital in pushing governments to give up one of the most potent sport-related tools at their disposal. The IOC was at this time so weak that most governments failed even to respond to repeated entreaties about the proposal. The organization’s leaders never fully grasped the ironies of turning to what many observers considered the world’s most politicized body for a political measure to reduce political influence on the Olympic Games. Although the IOC has often claimed that it cannot force standards of behaviour on governments, the 1980s campaign was a sustained effort to do exactly that. 相似文献
3.
袁钢 《武汉体育学院学报》2020,54(7):48-55
国际奥委会为保护奥林匹克财产、遏制隐性营销所的奥运会广告规制，在新媒体时代饱受冲击。为平衡奥林匹克财产保护和运动员权利保障之间的价值冲突，国际奥委会在1991年到2015年修订《奥林匹克宪章》中广告规制条款（即"第40条"），虽适用对象范围逐步扩大，新增弹性变通条款，但仍受质疑。因此，国际奥委会2015年制定豁免计划，2019年修订第40条，原则上放开广告限制，但奥运会广告规制有赖于国家奥委会的具体实施和制定细则。为保障运动员权利，基于我国现行法律法规，北京冬奥会应研讨第40条的适用原则，强化国际协调治理，借鉴域外经验制定北京冬奥会广告规制的实施细则。 相似文献
4.
郭树理 《上海体育学院学报》2020,(1):39-48
俄罗斯国家奥委会遭国际奥委会(IOC)暂停成员资格,导致很多无辜运动员无法参加平昌冬奥会,国际体育仲裁院(CAS)平昌冬奥会特别仲裁机构处理的数起案件均涉及俄罗斯运动员的参赛资格问题。俄罗斯运动员在仲裁程序中败诉的主要原因是《奥林匹克宪章》规定:奥运会是IOC的专属财产、任何人不拥有参加奥运会的所谓权利、IOC可以拒绝任何人参赛而无须出具理由。IOC运用对奥运会的专属权利,无正当合理理由拒绝符合参赛条件的俄罗斯清白运动员参赛,有构成垄断的嫌疑。符合参赛选拔条件、且不存在禁止性限制因素(如兴奋剂禁赛处罚在身)的清白运动员参加奥运会,是他们的权利,而不是IOC赋予他们的特权。切实保护运动员参赛权利是各国法院和国际体育仲裁院在处理体育参赛资格案件中的一贯立场,平昌冬奥会仲裁庭的实践过于保守。奥林匹克运动体育善治的改革,要求必须对《奥林匹克宪章》进行修改,最大限度地保护运动员的参赛权利,实现《运动员权利与义务宣言》的宗旨。 相似文献
5.
奥运会备战是为我国竞技体育在奥运会上取得优异成绩的重要准备工作。随着国际体育法治的发展和奥运会体育纠纷解决的法治化,以及近年来我国在奥运会和其他国际大赛中遭遇的体育纠纷不断增加,通过奥运会法律备战,为中国体育代表团参加奥运会提供全方位的法律保障已经成为奥运会备战的重要需求。文章采用文献资料法、案例分析法等方法,就我国奥运会法律备战的必要性、奥运会法律保障周期划分、奥运会法律备战的基本内容等进行了深入的分析。研究认为,在我国奥运会备战中,应该增加法律备战的内容,以东京奥运会为契机建立起包括奥运会在内的国际大型体育赛事的法律备战机制,成立奥运会体育法律团队,制定奥运会法律保障策略,为中国体育代表团在奥运会前、奥运会中和奥运会后的一定时间段提供全方位的法律保障。 相似文献
6.
民族主义是支撑民族国家参与奥林匹克运动的政治基础，也是冲击奥林匹克运动独立性的介入力量；奥运会是超级大国彰显民族控制力、民族自豪感的舞台，也是中小国家加强民族认同、形成民族凝聚力的手段。奥林匹克运动在与民族主义的交互演进中努力实现自身的理想，应科学看待2008年奥运会和中国民族主义的互动关系。 相似文献
7.
8.
Tennis featured in every Olympics from 1896 to 1924, after which disagreements between the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and the International Lawn Tennis Federation (ILTF) on matters pertaining to organisational control and the amateur eligibility of players led to tennis being removed from the Olympic Games as a full-medal event until the 1988 Seoul Olympics. This paper traces the steps of the sport’s reinstatement, from when efforts commenced in the 1950s, setting this development in the contexts of: broader political movements, shifting IOC leadership, burgeoning commercialisation of Olympic sport, the concomitant push for professionalisation and the declining influence of amateur ideals within both the Olympic movement and international tennis. Under the leadership of the amateur stalwart Avery Brundage, the IOC stymied attempts to facilitate tennis’s re-entry, challenging both the ILTF on failing to deal with widespread ‘sham-amateur’ practices and the avaricious promoters luring amateur players toward the professional ranks. Brundage and the IOC also strongly condemned the move to ‘open’ tennis and an acceptance of full-blown professionalism. Only a change in leadership, firstly with Lord Killanin and then the progressive reformer Juan Antonio Samaranch, did the IOC recognise the value of tennis within the Olympic movement, which by then had itself become increasingly money-oriented. 相似文献
9.
北京奥运会是一种历史记忆,还是一种具有永恒现代性指意的仪式,其呈现出来的宏大的叙事性压倒了中国人对奥运会赛事内涵的记忆,从而形成了中国历史进程的文化纪念碑。北京奥运会是中国的国家秩序变更后催生出来的仪式化产物,它还是一种对中国固有仪式的升华形态。中国体育代表团在2008年的北京奥运会中取得了51枚金牌是由于举国体制的制度支撑,北京奥运会就此得以升华为一种中国内产式国家仪式。奥运会还是一种身体展示度极强的仪式活动,具有很强的表演性,北京奥运会也成为中国人寻找与西方社会和解的突围点。北京奥运会缔造出来的强大的超仪式的视听镜像提升了中国人的民族自信力,在更高的意义上重塑了国民形象。 相似文献
10.
《奥林匹克2020议程》的颁布标志着奥林匹克运动可持续发展步入到了深化改革阶段。在全面实施可持续发展的改革背景下,国际奥委会从顶层设计出发制定了相关纲领性文件,在明确发展方向、确定发展目标与任务的同时为奥林匹克运动可持续发展提供了思想基础。从组织层面来看,国际奥委会从生态、经济、社会三个方面积极践行可持续发展实践,并通过示范作用倡导国际单项体育联合会、国家或地区奥委会实现可持续发展。深化改革下,奥林匹克运动的可持续发展实践以奥运会为着眼点,通过广泛建立战略合作、制定系列工作指南来保障可持续发展的实施,并强调充分发挥奥运遗产在领域、地域、时间三个维度的作用来实现奥运会与城市共同发展的可持续发展目标。此阶段奥林匹克运动的可持续发展理念和可持续发展实践与联合国《2030年可持续发展议程》高度契合,奥林匹克运动在实现全球可持续发展目标过程中发挥出了越来越重要的作用。 相似文献
11.
韩新君 《武汉体育学院学报》2007,41(12):23-26
奥林匹克运动主要通过其法规体系协调奥林匹克主体间的利益冲突，但随着奥林匹克运动的发展，新的利益冲突却不断出现，突显出了奥林匹克法规体系的滞后性，致使修订和完善奥林匹克法规体系成为人们不得不思考的问题。因此，必须及时修订奥林匹克内部法，改革国际奥委会的委员遴选制度，充分维护运动员的权益，方可保障奥林匹克利益秩序的稳定。必须明确奥林匹克各类主体的法律责任，规范三大权力主体和非竞赛主体的行为，并积极寻求奥林匹克外部法的支持，通过外部法和内部法的相互配合，解决奥林匹克运动中的利益冲突。 相似文献
12.
战文腾 《武汉体育学院学报》2018,52(6):32-38
进入21世纪以来,随着奥运会利益相关者的不断介入,奥林匹克管理体系发生了天翻地覆的变化。现代奥林匹克运动已经完成了从奥林匹克管理到奥林匹克治理的转型,尤其是在《奥林匹克2020议程》颁布实施之后,逐渐形成了以奥林匹克核心利益相关者为主体的治理架构,奥林匹克运动的5个核心利益相关者包括国际奥委会、奥运会组委会、国家奥委会、国际单项体育联合会、国家体育联盟。奥林匹克治理体系不再是每位利益相关者管理自己事务的问题,而是对各方构成的网络化的全球性治理系统,同时要考虑到它们之间的相互关系。奥林匹克运动和治理体系之间的联系是以人为中心,诸如奥运会选手、运动员、球迷等群体,而奥林匹克治理体系围绕的是各级各类体育社会组织。在顾拜旦看来,奥林匹克主义不可能是个系统,而是一种精神境界。不论我们喜欢与否,奥林匹克的治理前景必须依赖复杂且系统化的网络治理实践。奥林匹克运动的主要目标必须建立在尊重人权之上,只有实现奥林匹克治理的可持续性发展才能实现这一目标。 相似文献
13.
Sérgio Settani Giglio 《国际体育史杂志》2017,34(11):1128-1139
AbstractThe 1936 Olympic Games are considered to be the explicit union of sports and politics. Many studies have analysed the accomplishments of Jesse Owens at Hitler’s Olympics. However, football provides another collision between sports and politics at the same Olympic Games, which also impacts the debate regarding the relationship between sports and politics. That relationship is rarely studied. Football had been out of the Olympic programme of the 1932 Los Angeles Games and returned to the programme for the 1936 Berlin Games. However, on its return there was an incident in the match between Peru and Austria in the second round of the tournament. It all started when a spectator invaded the field and kicked an Austrian athlete. The match was restarted and Peru won the game in overtime. After the game the Austrians formalized a protest and FIFA set up a European committee to review the case. Through historical analysis, from official documents and newspapers of that time, this episode showed two points: that FIFA was a Eurocentric entity; and that sports and politics go together, after all, since in the rescheduled new game, Peru, as a protest and in a demand for dignity, withdrew its entire delegation from the Olympic Games. 相似文献
14.
2003年底,国际奥委会宣布了,变性运动员在符合一定条件的情况下,可以参加奥运会。从公平竞争以及维护运动员的隐私等方面来讲,变性人参加体育比赛包括奥运会具有合理性。而从法律的角度来讲,变性人参加奥运会也应受法律保护。因此,变性人有参加奥运会的合法权利。 相似文献
15.
AbstractAs a phenomenon exogenous to China, the Olympics have been proactively interpreted in the local context since China’s entry (and subsequent re-entry in 1984) into the Olympic movement. With China’s increasing involvement in promoting three bids to host the Olympic Games, two of which were successful, respectively, in 2001 and 2015, the nature of the discourse of key stakeholders in relation to Chinese elite sport has both reflected and reshaped the meaning of the Games to Chinese elite sport. This paper examines the discursive construction process of the Olympics in the Chinese elite sport system by key stakeholders through analyzing statements of political figures on sport and Olympic phenomena, Chinese elite sport policy documents, and the commentaries of leading Chinese sport academics. The analysis of discourse highlights two main features in the construction of the Games in official accounts during the period under investigation. The development of these two themes reflects the nature of the Chinese Olympic discourse, manifests the political power over the interpretation of the Olympics in Chinese context, and continues to characterize the on-going major themes in Chinese elite sport policy. 相似文献
16.
社交媒介的兴起改变了奥运传播的深度与广度。国内外学界敏感地捕捉到奥运会与社交媒介间的关系转变，并对二者在关系转变过程中出现的新现象和新问题进行了探究。文章采用文献研究、对比研究等方法对国内外学者的相关学术成果进行梳理与述评，对社交媒介与奥运会联姻的背景进行解析，认为媒介技术的革新、受众媒介消费行为的转变以及国际奥委会的选择性变革是促使二者联姻的内在动因；认为传统媒介的作用式微与角色重塑、传播内容的文化表征与多元解读、社交奥运的传播特征与策略创新、奥运媒介的传播失范与理论探源、社交媒介中的舆论张力与危机应对等为研究的主要论域；认为未来相关议题的探讨应关注奥运传播的理念变革与体系建构、奥林匹克主义的媒介表达与数字传播、对外传播的叙事困境与路径选择和奥运传播的伦理重塑与矛盾消解。 相似文献
17.
基于"展示政治"的理论视角,分析平昌冬奥会通过公共文本、公共空间、公开仪式、视觉符号、民间社团等载体所展示的政治意涵,并通过分析西方主流媒体对平昌冬奥会展示政治内容的报道来考察其政治传播的媒介效果,分析西方主流媒体评价奥运会政治传播的方式和惯习。据此提出北京冬奥会政治传播的理念、行为和受众策略：以人类共同价值理念引领冬奥会政治传播;延伸公共政策和公共空间的政治展示功能;将硬性政治诉求柔性展示的公开仪式;主动引导、分类疏导民间社会的政治表达;关注与东道主有政治文化争议国家的相关展示政治行为;强调受众的体验和参与。 相似文献
18.
Title and flag are the baggage of Taiwan's complex past that was brought from China to Taiwan by the Kuomintang. It led to a series of conflicts between the International Olympic Committee (IOC), the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China. Taiwanese perspective has been used to discuss these sensitive issues. The impact of the international political situation on the China issue is discussed. The roles that IOC presidents – Avery Brundage, Lord Killanin and Antonio Samaranch – played in the development of the Chinese Question are analysed. In summary, due to exchange of international politics and the attitudes of the IOC presidents, the Taipei-based Committee had adopted the following names: the Chinese Olympic Committee (1949–1959), the Taiwan Olympic Committee (1959–1968) and the Republic of China Olympic Committee (1968–1979). Due to international reality, Taiwan finally had to use the name Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee (1981 to present) and pay dearly for its continued participation in the Olympic Movement by changing its national symbols. The other sports federations in Taiwan were furthermore asked to follow the example of the Chinese Taipei Olympic Committee and change their names and flags. Otherwise, they would not be allowed to maintain their memberships. 相似文献
19.
在15名女子跳台滑雪运动员诉温哥华冬奥会组委会一案中,加拿大国内法院对于奥运会组委会的管辖权问题成为了争议的焦点。奥组委在形式上虽然是一个国内组织,但由于其与国际奥委会、各国际单项体育联合会以及国内政府之间的特殊关系,使得国内法院在决定是否对涉及奥组委的争议案件行使管辖权时,不得不谨慎地判断争议行为作出的真正主体。通常情况下,对于奥组委执行国际体育组织的奥林匹克决议产生的纠纷,国内法院应当遵守《奥林匹克宪章》的规定,放弃对此类争议的管辖权,交由具有合法资格的国际体育仲裁院（CAS）进行裁决。 相似文献
20.
杜世全 《天津体育学院学报》2010,25(4):367-368
国际奥委会作为国际体育管理组织的领军人物,走过了116 个春秋,这家“百年老店”之所以能够不断地发展壮大,并在全世界范围内普及奥林匹
克运动,不断的进行组织机构变革是它成功的法宝之一,从国际奥委会委员的遴选、任职资格的规定、数量的增加、来源的扩大、决策机构和执行机构的建立、到各专门委员会的设立。国际奥委会的组织变革具有机构的设立灵活多变、紧紧围绕组织目标、与环境不断交融等特点。并就国际奥委会目前面临的奥运会规模过大、内部权力监督和制衡机制不完善、兴奋剂泛滥、过度商业化等主要问题,提出国际奥委会今后组织发展中应遵循的原则。 相似文献