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一、软实力内涵诠释公共外交核心目标1.“软实力”与“软实力资源”辨析公共外交是为了提升国家软实力.这已经是比较具有共识性的判断,但对软实力的不同理解直接影响对公共外交核心目标及其所依赖资源的理解,从而影响公共外交的实施路径. 相似文献
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当前,文化软实力的提升已经上升为国家战略,软实力有优劣和正负,不同类型的软实力需要不同模式的公共外交。"公共外交势能"理论揭示了新的传播模式,在这个视角下公共外交既包括国际广告、对外宣传等信源外推型公共外交,也包括国际新闻报道、人员往来等传受平衡型公共外交,更有秘密信息传播等受者主动型公共外交。公共外交势能的分析表明,不断挖掘中国软实力资源,提升软实力、积累公共外交势能,是提升公共外交效果的前提。 相似文献
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从不同的视角考量,网络公共外交具有四重属性.其中,技术属性与网络的技术特性相连,政治属性与网络公共外交的目的相关,文化属性来自于网络公共外交的传播内容,经济属性则体现在网络公共外交中的文化产品需要通过市场交换实现其价值. 相似文献
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一、冷战时期的公共外交研究
现代意义上的"公共外交"一词于1965年第一次使用.此后,在塔夫茨大学组织了一系列关于公共外交的讲座,包括公共舆论研究、集团动态等.在这个时期,对公共外交研究的切人点主要包括政府实践、公共关系和战略公共外交等. 相似文献
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电视公共外交作为外交的一种形式,借助电视媒体的个性表达,能够影响国际舆论,树立国家形象。随着公共外交的崛起,电视公共外交逐渐受到各国重视,得到了较快发展。研究电视媒体在公共外交中发挥的作用,以及电视公共外交采取的策略,有助于人们认识和了解我国电视开展的公共外交活动,从而使电视媒体走出国门,发挥更大的外交作用。 相似文献
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本文基于2013年10月31日对韩国驻华使馆公共外交官员的访谈、交流与观察,同时通过对韩国驻华使馆2012年3月16日至2014年5月16日的新浪微博内容、韩国公共外交官方网站信息内容的文本分析,尝试"还原"韩国对华新公共外交所建构的传播框架,并从效果层面分析韩国对华新公共外交的受众框架。本文从长期阶段、中期阶段和短期阶段三个时间维度分析了韩国对华新公共外交的框架。 相似文献
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对当前阶段中国公共外交的再认识 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
经过多年的探索和发展,中国公共外交已经取得了很大成就,但是与具备成熟公共外交体系的西方发达国家相比,中国公共外交仍有一定差距.勇于总结现有经验教训并向西方学习,积极拓宽公共外交平台对于促进中国公共外交的发展具有重要的现实意义. 相似文献
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在当今和未来的国际关系中,新闻媒体究竟担当何种角色?要回答这个问题,我们就必须探讨公共外交和战略传播对新闻媒体的潜在影响.
根据美国官方1997年的界定,"公共外交就是通过理解、告知和影响外国公众来确保美国国家利益."在"二战"后,公共外交一直是美国维护其国家利益的常规武器."冷战"期间,公共外交的威力发挥到极致,但"冷战"结束后,公共外交一度受到冷落.9·11事件后,公共外交又重新受到青睐,并持续进化. 相似文献
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公共外交是近年来一种新型的外交形式,世界上许多国家都采取公共外交的形式来提升在国际社会中的形象。俄罗斯在公共外交领域应当说基本上是刚刚开始。作为一个"新手"或"后来者",近年来俄政府也开始学习西方一些国家经验,重视公共外交。在这个过程中,以"今日俄罗斯"为首的多语种电视频道发挥了重要的作用。它以电视为载体,利用多语种的优势,向国外民众传递外交信息,拓宽外交渠道,从而达到媒体公共外交实现的目的。本文以"今日俄罗斯"电视台为例,探讨多语种电视频道在俄罗斯公共外交中的作用,以期归纳总结出一些经验供我国对外传播媒体借鉴。 相似文献
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网络公众外交时代的到来 网络公民外交,也可称网络公共外交、网络渗透外交、网络群众外宣运动.这是一国政府把过去通过传统媒体开展的政府外交、政府外宣变为通过新媒体的个人对个人的网络公共外交. 相似文献
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中国在崛起的过程中必须坚持全球化和塑造良好的国际形象,但是美国等部分西方国家在反全球化思维中,对中国仍然存在"误读"和"刻板印象"。对外传播该如何做到"我塑"与"他塑"的统一?习近平主席倡议的"民心相通"给我们提供了有效的思路。以马云2017年的底特律演讲为例,"民心相通"的对外传播尤其要做好以下几方面的工作:受众方面,重视基于草根的公共外交传播;媒介方面,打造网络新媒体的长尾效应;内容方面,实施接近性原则。 相似文献
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This research characterizes American media coverage of China’s Confucius Institutes and their related activities in the United States since their emergence more than 12 years ago. Although there are now more than 100 Confucius Institutes and 300 associated classrooms in the country, to date there has been no systematic study of how these Chinese government-sponsored organizations are portrayed in the American press. This study presents a content analysis of 426 articles mentioning these efforts at the heart of China’s public diplomacy endeavors since 2003. Determining that fewer than half of the articles did more than mention these organizations, we dedicate particular attention to the 183 examples that do focus specifically on Confucius Institute and classroom activities across the country. While results point to some differences in tone, framing and sources across university, local, state, national and international news outlets, we find that the majority of coverage focuses uncritically on these Chinese institutions without providing broader context about China’s rationale for engaging in such activities. The implications for China’s public diplomacy efforts in the United States are considered. 相似文献
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关于传媒塑造国家形象的思考 总被引：28，自引：0，他引：28
国家行为及国家本身是否完善 ,是国家形象的客观基础和基本内涵 ,但国家形象的塑造离不开大众传播 ,通过大众传播影响公众舆论 ,传播的过程就是在公众心目中“投影”国家形象的过程。借助大众传媒构建与国家本体相互支撑的国家形象 ,已成为当今国际事务的重要环节 ,也成为各国外交制胜的有效策略。 相似文献
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《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(3):101477
This study investigates public diplomacy on a Chinese social media platform – Weibo. Examining the traffic (i.e., the number of followers) of 30 foreign embassies on Weibo, this study confirms that under certain conditions, digital diplomacy can be effective even in closed information systems. The results suggest that the number of followers an embassy has does not always increase with the economic size of a country or its bilateral economic relationships with China; instead, the number of followers of an embassy's Weibo account grows with the embassy's daily posts. Weibo allows embassies to unshackle the limitations imposed by their economic weight or geopolitical influence and to attract a larger audience through active daily posts. Using Weibo can also help foreign government representations in China manage changes in international relations. This study provides further insights into how social media have changed the traditional pattern of information flow not only in an open Internet environment but also in a closed social media environment where the Internet is under heavy censorship. It also proposes some recommendations for policy makers. 相似文献
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与传统上将大众传媒作为国家对外传播载体的认知有所不同,笔者基于国家对外传播=国家(对外)行为+解释国家(对外)行为这一框架,将国家对外传播的载体定义为国家的政治外交、军事外交、文化外交、经济外交、能源外交、体育外交及舆论外交等。本文讨论的正是其在国家对外传播中的载体功能。 相似文献
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This article introduces a collection of original papers and research project reports considering the history of the BBC foreign-language services prior to, and during, the Second World War. The communication between the British government and foreign publics by way of mass media constituted a fundamental, if often ignored, aspect of Britain's international relations. From the 1930s onwards, transnational broadcasting, that is, broadcasting across national borders, became a major element in the conduct of Britain's diplomacy, and the BBC was employed by the government to further its diplomatic, strategic and economic interests in times of rising international tension and conflict. A review of the literature on the BBC's foreign-language broadcasts sets the stage for the presentation of the articles that compose this special issue of Media History. 相似文献
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Israel’s public diplomacy efforts in the U.S. are aimed at garnering American public support for Israeli foreign policy. This study aims to identify the networks of Israeli public diplomacy toward the United States. Using the theoretical frameworks of networked public diplomacy and strategic narrative, the authors try to understand how network strategy is used and information is circulated to create a strategic narrative. Therefore, the two methods of social network analysis and qualitative content analysis are applied to identify the networks of Israeli public diplomacy in the United States and the content produced by it. The study finds that in Israel’s public diplomacy model, the networking method stands in contrast to its government-oriented strategic narrative. Thus, new forms of communication are applied to conduct old strategies. The research identifies four types of actors who apply new public diplomacy techniques and dissects the strategic narrative they employ to affect the American public in the service of Israeli interests. Despite the effort to apply new forms of public diplomacy, strategic narrative production and dissemination remain highly governmental and closed, which is indicative of the persistence of old forms of public diplomacy. 相似文献
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高升号属怡和洋行旗下商船,1894年7月被清廷租借用来运送士兵,7月25日在丰岛附近海面被日舰"浪速"击沉。由于高升号当时所悬挂的是英国国旗,恰好中日当时尚未开战,一场本应由日本承担责任的事件,在经过各方讨论后,将责任方完全转向了中国。本文结合当时的史料,从外交、国际法、政治、新闻舆论等角度,对此事件的责任转换进行探讨。 相似文献
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This article examines how South Korean and Japanese public diplomacy organizations employ digital media to embrace the principle of ‘networked public diplomacy’ through analyses of the web and social media practices. A network analysis was used to map interorganizational information networks among core public diplomacy organizations in each country. To reveal the key organizations' communication strategies on Facebook, a content analysis was also conducted. The findings indicate that Japan had a strong internal network infrastructure achieved through dispersed connections and partnerships; however, Korea had a centralized network, including a limited number of dominant actors. The results of content analysis suggest that both South Korea and Japanese public diplomats focused on promoting their cultural products and national values through their use of texts and visual images. In addition, user profile analysis gaged the degree of users' engagement in the organizations' profiles and identified the demographic features of users. Comparative data suggest the Korean public diplomacy organization was more successful at attracting and engaging with foreign public than the Japanese public diplomacy organization. These results imply that although these two countries had similar sociopolitical backgrounds and perspectives of public diplomacy, they had distinct forms of internal information networks, communication strategies, and social networking performances with public. 相似文献
20.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(5):669-686
Drawing on scholarship on framing, sourcing, and war journalism, this content analysis explores how The New York Times and The Washington Post covered the international reaction to Syria's use of chemical weapons against its own citizens in August 2013. The analysis found that stories in the month following the event focused primarily on diplomacy efforts and stopped paying attention to the ongoing civil war. Despite that, conflict framing was still dominant. The stories were generally thematic and richly sourced. The analysis lends support to the literature on the relationship between sourcing and framing as well as to the indexing hypothesis. 相似文献