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1.
The capacity of the mass media to cover issues as well as thecapacity of recipients to be concerned about issues is limited.The coverage on and the concern about new issues will consequentlyremove old issues from the agenda of both the mass media andthe general public. The present study investigates two modelsof this process of issue competition. The equal-displacementmodel assumes that a rise of one issue in the media by a givennumber of stories is matched by an equal fall in all other issuessumming up to a similar number of issues. The restructuringmodel assumes that unexpected, surprising or otherwise newsworthyevents create killer issues that move several other issues completelyoff the agenda and leave others untouched. A content analysisof all news shows of the two major TV stations in Germany and53 weekly surveys regarding 16 different issues covering thewhole year 1986 shows that—within the media agenda—therewere no killer issues affecting the coverage of the TV stations.In the public agenda, however, some killer issues could be identified.Coverage of these issues increased public concern about themand decreased concerns about other issues. Consequences of theseresults for agenda-setting theory and for politics are discussed.  相似文献   

2.
The agenda-setting impact of international news was examinedby comparing the coverage of 15 categories of internationalnews in four news media (the New York Times, ABC, CBS, and NBC)with the level of public concern with international problemsas recorded by all 41 Gallup organization's most important problempolls conducted from 1975 to 1990. The findings suggest thatthe way in which international news is framed in news reportsmay determine the magnitude of salience cues. Four categoriesof news coverage demonstrated the strongest agenda-setting influence:international conflicts involving the United States; terrorisminvolving the U.S.; crime/drugs; and military/nuclear arms.Generally, the results support previous findings which concludedthat stories with high degrees of conflict and stories withconcrete presentations (by including Americans in the stories)have the strongest agenda-setting impact. In addition, two newscategories—international trade not involving the UnitedStates, and politics not involving the United States—correlatednegatively with public concern for two of the news media. Thisresult suggests that press coverage, besides increasing publicconcern with certain issues, can also decrease concern. Certaincategories of news, such as stories dealing with internationalpolitics and trade, can give individuals cues that the internationalarena is functioning quite smoothly. These types of internationalnews stories show individuals that international problems arenot really serious problems at all.  相似文献   

3.
This study explores the relationship between age and the media's agenda-setting effects both by cross-sectional and longitudinal analysis. Using American National Election Studies surveys and the New York Times Index data from 1960 to 2004, we test three possible effects of age on the agenda-setting process: generational, life-cycle, and period effects. Findings show the public agenda is fairly stable across generations and age cohorts despite increasing signs of media diversification and audience specialization. More important, different generations’ agendas were overall correlated with the media agenda in each year, indicating robust agenda-setting effects of the media on the public, except for baby boomers. The findings generally support the hypothesis of period effects. Implications of the findings are discussed.  相似文献   

4.
This study aims to explore second-level agenda-setting at the national level. In particular, it examines the relationships among the citation bias of the New York Times, national level public opinion, and Congressional policies from 1956 to 2004 in order to better understand mass media's role in national policymaking. In addition, it also tests one important intervening variable of the relationships among the three attribute agendas (the media agenda, the public agenda, and the policy agenda)—the president's policy liberalism.  相似文献   

5.
国外新媒体环境下的议程设置研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
新媒体环境下媒体的议程设置功能是否依然有效是议程设置研究领域中迫切需要回答的问题。国外学者近年来对这一问题的研究主要集中在两个方面:一是检验新媒体环境下媒体对受众是否具有议程设置的功能,二是检验新媒体环境下的媒介间议程设置效果。现有研究表明,在新媒体环境下媒体对受众具有议程设置功能;网络媒体与传统媒体之间、网络媒体自身之间存在媒介间的议程设置效果。  相似文献   

6.
Through two separate studies in the context of Hong Kong, a Chinese society, this research tests the third-level agenda-setting effects and examines the differences between the explicit and implicit public agendas based on the attributes consciously and unconsciously reported by the public. A total of 1667 news reports and 680 responses to a public survey are collected for analysis. Evidence from both studies shows strong attribute agenda-setting effects at the third level, no matter the focus of the issue is obtrusive or unobtrusive. Results also demonstrate that the media agenda is positively associated at a higher level with the implicit public agenda than the explicit one. Findings well extend the network agenda-setting research.  相似文献   

7.
The Sewol ferry tragedy was a major event in South Korea in 2014. This study examines the agenda-setting links between a Korean online newscast (Naver) and a Korean online community (Daum). Although each portal initially focused on different crisis attributes and stakeholders regarding the ferry tragedy, their agendas became more alike over time. Notably, the cross-lagged analysis shows significant influence of the online community (Daum) on the online newscast (Naver). This study also expands on Son and Weaver’s [2006, Another look at what moves public opinion: Media agenda setting and polls in the 2000 U.S. election. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 18(2), 174–197] theoretical model for a stratified agenda, providing a more nuanced look at attribute agenda setting.  相似文献   

8.
本文通过分析艾英戈与金德的《事关重要的新闻》 ,讨论了这本书在议程设置理论发展中的重要作用。它不仅通过实验的方法从内在效度上印证了议程设置 ,而且促进了议程设置第二层的研究。本文结合该书突出贡献———铺垫效果的评介 ,兼对其理论来源与意义进行了梳理 ,并以此为出发点 ,探讨了议程设置的第二层研究。最后 ,强调了电视的政治传播方面的意义和议程设置理论在中国的适用问题。  相似文献   

9.
议程设置理论与后大众媒体时代的民意研究   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
关于媒体与民意的理论大部分提出于 1 93 0到 1 980年之间 ,这是一个仅仅拥有传统信息选择方式的时代。麦库姆斯和肖 (1 972 )最初提出议程设置理论时 ,用北卡罗莱纳州的教堂山 (ChapelHill)社区作为研究对象 ,而现在那里的媒介使用情况也已经发生了巨变。当我们迎来议程设置理论提出 3 0周年的时候 ,教堂山的受众现在面临的信息选择令人惊叹。在 2 0世纪 90年代 ,肖提出 ,美国的大众媒介已经经历了“兴和衰”(riseandfall)。肖认为 ,大众媒体时代结束于 2 0世纪 80年代。议程设置研究是否能像之前的 3 0年那样 ,继续开展下去 ?当受众使用着上百个信息来源时 ,议程设置和民意研究会产生何种变化 ?这是本文将要回答的问题  相似文献   

10.
As agenda-setting theory moves toward its 50th anniversary, its productivity in the past and at present augurs a highly promising future. In this essay, the original theorists trace the development of agenda setting and identify seven distinct facets. They explore three of the seven facets—need for orientation, network agenda setting, and agendamelding—in greater detail because those are particularly active arenas of contemporary research. Grounded in more than 40 years of productive collaboration among the authors, this inaugural Deutschmann Scholars Essay offers numerous new ideas about recent trends in and future directions for agenda-setting theory and research. The three authors are all recipients of AEJMC's Paul J. Deutschmann Award for Excellence in Research recognizing a career of scholarly achievement. The Deutschmann scholars observed that this may well be the most original article they have ever written together.  相似文献   

11.
This study tested for intermedia agenda-setting effects among explicitly partisan news media coverage and political activist group, citizen activist, and official campaign advertisements on YouTube—all in support of the same candidate. The setting for this investigation was the political activist organization MoveOn.org's “Obama in 30 Seconds” online ad contest, which was held during the 2008 U.S. presidential election primaries. The data provided evidence of first- and second-level agenda-setting relationships. Partial correlations revealed that the citizen activist issue agenda, as articulated in the contest ads, was most strongly related to the partisan media coverage, rather than to the issue priorities of the official Obama or MoveOn.org ads on YouTube. These results extend the intermedia agenda-setting framework to political activist communication efforts and consumer-generated content.  相似文献   

12.
This study explores the ability of an interaction between need for orientation (NFO) and selective exposure to explain citizen's motivations to seek information from specific media sources and the consequences of this behavior for attribute agenda-setting effects. It draws important conceptual distinctions between the two moderate NFO categories, distinguishing active involvement NFO (high relevance and low uncertainty) from passive involvement NFO (low relevance and high uncertainty). The results suggest that in a political context, people with active involvement NFO are more likely to seek ideologically congruent media sources and more likely to adopt the media's attribute agenda. This study implies that at the second-level agenda setting, the salience of issue or object attributes on the media agenda is more likely to strengthen preexisting attitudes for people with high political interest and strong partisan identity.  相似文献   

13.
Community structure research investigates the influence of the local community and specific demographic groups in the community on the degree of emphasis that particular public issues receive in a local newspaper. In contrast to this internal source of influence, intermedia agenda setting emphasizes the external influence of other news media and the national journalistic culture on the news decisions of local daily newspapers. To invoke a cliché, the agenda-setting and community structure perspectives are opposite sides of the same coin and should be considered in tandem. The research design and procedure for statistical analysis presented here, which involves the simultaneous investigation of the influence resulting from community structure and intermedia agenda setting, is a path for new research that can present a detailed explication of the balance between local and national influence on the issue agenda of local daily newspapers.  相似文献   

14.
This study tests the agenda-setting hypothesis for the environmentalissue in Hong Kong from 1983 to 1995. It was found that theagenda-setting hypothesis was supported for the initial periodof five and a half years. In the subsequent period of sevenand a half years, despite the increased media coverage of theissues, there was a significant drop in the perceived salienceof the environmental problem. This may be due to the dilutionof public attention as a result of diversity in the news agendaand reporting of local environmental problems as ‘soft’news. It was also found that the environmental issue failedto compete with other prominent issues directly affecting thepublic. The mass media played a much less important role inkeeping the environmental issue on the public agenda at thelater stage.  相似文献   

15.
The present study, as an international application of an agenda-setting model, investigates how campaign agendas of issues are constructed in an election. The Korean Congressional election of 2000 provided rich empirical data for this study; the political party agenda, the civic agenda, and the news agenda were measured in terms of issue salience at two different data points in time during the official campaign period. The results of the cross-lagged rank-order correlations between different agendas indicated the following. First, the party agenda as a whole had little impact on the formation of the news agenda. The party–news relationship, however, showed a different pattern at an individual newspaper level. Specifically, a more conservative newspaper was more susceptible to those parties’ agenda-setting than was its progressive rival. Second, a nationwide civic movement for political reforms slightly influenced the formation of the news agenda, especially that of the reformist newspaper agenda. Both newspapers, on the other hand, substantially influenced the civic campaign's issue emphases. Finally, there existed no significant interactions between the party and the civic agendas.  相似文献   

16.
This research studied the way immigration is depicted by the neighborhood press of Barcelona. Mainstream media tend to give visibility to immigrants when problems arise. Through this visibility based on problems, and the processes of framing, a virtual social identity is constructed and given to the immigration population. However, the neighborhood press of Barcelona, inscribed within the Catalan regional press’ own idea of journalism, offers a different approach to this issue due to its history, neighborhood and commitment to the region. Through a frame analysis, three main frames gave a depiction of the immigrants different from the one the mainstream media use. The results show that this differentiated depiction still stereotypes immigrants while not granting them enough visibility even when there is no blaming or attack. In this sense, while accounting for the differences, the neighborhood press of Barcelona misses a chance of depicting immigration in a more accurate way.  相似文献   

17.
网络中的“议程设置”与公众自我议程设置   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
罗春 《新闻界》2007,(4):29-30
在网络传播模式下,"议程设置"仍然存在,但由于传受关系发生了很大变化,出现议题设置权下放,传播内容多元化等新特点,同时,网络中也出现了公众自我议程设置,并为传统媒体设置议程的现象。  相似文献   

18.
This study investigates the role knowledge plays in the agenda-setting process, conceptualizing public affairs knowledge as a measure of news reception. Comparing content analysis data and opinion survey results of 2 election campaigns in Canada and the United States, this study finds that, on the individual level, knowledge better predicted media's agenda-setting effects than traditional self-reported exposure items. Furthermore, these findings demonstrate that knowledge mediated the effects of interest on the variance of agenda-setting effects. Implications of these findings are discussed.  相似文献   

19.
Although the theory of agenda-setting is a pillar of political communication research, understanding the dynamics of public attention remains an important challenge as the communication system becomes increasingly fragmented. The development of ideologically oriented niche media and the ability of the mainstream media to carefully track the interests of their audience suggest that both public interest and niche media attention to an issue could affect the mainstream media’s agenda itself. We develop and test the theory of agenda-uptake to isolate when mainstream media influences both public and niche media attention to issues and when public interest and niche media attention influence the mainstream media to cover an issue. Analyzing mainstream and niche media coverage along with Google Trends individual search data for 4 issues in 2008, we provide evidence that the dynamics of agenda-uptake are crucial to understanding the character and content of the information environment in the 21st century.  相似文献   

20.
In the context of the 2016 U.S. Republican primary election debates, the qualitative method of Conversation Analysis is used to describe a discourse/rhetorical strategy candidates use to control the agenda when answering questions. By prefacing answers with First of all, First, or First off, candidates claim that the immediately next talk will constitute something other than a relevant response to the question, but that one will be forthcoming after first matters are resolved. Findings contribute to agenda setting generally, and specifically to candidates’ strategies for controlling the agenda by variously evading questions’ agendas in order to make space for other political actions (e.g., policy support, acclaim, attack, rebuttal), and doing so in a way that manages public accountability associated with evasion.  相似文献   

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