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1.
Francis L. F. Lee 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):132-151
Opinion polling has become a common feature in news and public discourse in Hong Kong. This study examines how local newspapers cover popularity polls about the government and its leaders. It is hypothesized that newspapers adhering to different journalistic paradigms would cover such popularity polls differently in terms of the inclusion of methodological information, use of news sources, emphasis on negative versus positive results, treatment of polls conducted by different entities, and use of visual means of representations. A content analysis was conducted on four newspapers which represent the professionalism, populism, and propaganda paradigms, respectively. The results show that there are both similarities and differences in the poll coverage of the newspapers, with the differences mostly corresponding to the differences in journalistic paradigms. The results also point to a number of phenomena about news media in Hong Kong and poll reporting in general. 相似文献
2.
The disappearance of Malaysian Airline Flight MH370 attracted high media attention across countries. To explore how news media outlets influence each other in transnational settings, this study focuses on the coverage of MH370 by three major newspapers in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong, and examines the inter-media agenda-setting effect as an indicator of media’s mutual influence. A content analysis of 255 news articles revealed significant correlations among the issue agendas of the 3 newspapers, suggesting the existence of reciprocal, though asymmetrical, influence among the news media in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong. The findings also suggest that news media differ in power and that news media in high-power countries play a key role in shaping the global news agenda. 相似文献
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Tianjiao Wang 《亚洲交流杂志》2018,28(6):620-637
Perception of party polarization has a positive impact on political participation. While past research suggests that such impact depends upon people’s information use, empirical evidence is lacking. We used a mediated moderation model to test the multiplicative effect between polarization perception and media use on political participation. The data for analysis came from a survey of 625 representative Hong Kong residents in 2015. Findings show that the impact of perceived party polarization on political participation is contingent upon one’s news attentiveness, and that internal political efficacy serves as a mediator that partially explains the interaction effect. Narrowed gaps in political knowledge, efficacy, and participation were observed between light and heavy news users as perceived party polarization rises. The implications of the findings with respect to political participation, role of news media use, and the formation of efficacy beliefs in the context of party polarization are discussed. 相似文献
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香港的传媒、政治和社会变迁 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
回归后的香港存在着影响传媒表现和运作的众多因素,本文认为再国族化、国际化和本土化是一个有助于分析香港传媒和政治变迁的框架,并以此框架分析了近两年来香港传媒如何响应重大社会和政治事件。在传媒和权力结构之间的关系外,香港的社会和经济转变等非非政治性的社会变迁也影响着香港传媒的发展。 相似文献
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在社会救助机制不完善的情况下,传媒的越界评判和敦请成为一种“合法的”补偿机制。本文认为,传媒的越界行为得以存在主要原因,在于新闻生产过程中所使用的平民主义话语策略,调动并契合了转型时期中国民众的社会心理。传媒在激烈的竞争中获得某种市场和道德的双重默许。 相似文献
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As Hong Kong prepares for a political transition in 1997, neither the existing colonial British government nor the impending People's Republic of China (PRC) has established a strong historical foundation for political trust within the territory. In this study, we examine the level of distrust towards the existing and future political regimes, as well as attitudes towards Hong Kong's future. Based on a representative telephone survey of Hong Kong residents (N = 512), we find a high degree of political distrust among respondents, particularly towards the PRC administration. Although initial bivariate analyses establish some association between distrust and media exposure, channel preference, and demographic variables, further multivariate analyses suggest that many of these factors are highly interrelated. One central finding is that among men and those with middle to high socio‐economic status, television news exposure is associated with trust in the PRC. Conversely, women and younger people tend to distrust the PRC, regardless of their news exposure. 相似文献
8.
Qiaolei Jiang 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(6):888-909
The modern Olympic Games have been regarded as vehicles for governments to use elite athletes to promote soft power agendas and build national cohesion. Adopting textual analysis, the present study examined the global sports events within a specific sociocultural context, by analyzing and comparing the reportage of 2008 and 2012 Summer Olympics in four Hong Kong newspapers. All the news articles were probed to discern pervading themes regarding the Olympic champions as celebrities, and three discursive formations were identified: national heroes, rags-to-riches figures, and stars in the entertainment industry. The findings make visible both the instances that nurture the perception of national identity and Hong Kong media's alternative responses to the party-state's propaganda. Although the Olympics can play a positive role in articulating national pride and fostering national identity, the study also shows the complexities of the construction of Chinese nationalism and patriotism in postcolonial Hong Kong. 相似文献
9.
Fake news has become a prominent topic of public discussion, particularly among elites. Recent research has explored the prevalence of fake news during the 2016 election cycle and possible effects on electoral outcomes. This scholarship has not yet considered how elite discourse surrounding fake news may influence individual perceptions of real news. Through an experiment, this study explores the effects of elite discourse about fake news on the public’s evaluation of news media. Results show that exposure to elite discourse about fake news leads to lower levels of trust in media and less accurate identification of real news. Therefore, frequent discussion of fake news may affect whether individuals trust news media and the standards with which they evaluate it. This discourse may also prompt the dissemination of false information, particularly when fake news is discussed by elites without context and caution. 相似文献
10.
This study tests the agenda-setting hypothesis for the environmentalissue in Hong Kong from 1983 to 1995. It was found that theagenda-setting hypothesis was supported for the initial periodof five and a half years. In the subsequent period of sevenand a half years, despite the increased media coverage of theissues, there was a significant drop in the perceived salienceof the environmental problem. This may be due to the dilutionof public attention as a result of diversity in the news agendaand reporting of local environmental problems as ‘soft’news. It was also found that the environmental issue failedto compete with other prominent issues directly affecting thepublic. The mass media played a much less important role inkeeping the environmental issue on the public agenda at thelater stage. 相似文献
11.
Anandam P. Kavoori 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(3):386-398
This study examines the process of media globalization at the level of meaning generation (by television news texts) and interpretation (by audiences) based on the analysis of news‐texts and focus groups from four countries. It is suggested that the narrative of television news is discursive: it provides a specific vision of cultural “others”. At the audience level there is the emergence of a global culture of critical media consumption. This reflexive mode is born of a familiarity with the narrative conventions of the genre and the institutional imperatives of the media industries. 相似文献
12.
Lars Willnat 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):47-67
This study analyses the impact of perceptions of the opinions of others on political outspokenness in Hong Kong. Based on the results of two representative telephone surveys conducted in Hong Kong in 1993 and 1995, the spiral of silence theory is tested in the context of public opinion regarding the Sino‐British dispute over Hong Kong's political future and the 1995 Legislative Council election. As hypothesized, respondents in both surveys were more willing to voice their political opinions publicly when they perceived the majority opinion to be on their side, or when they perceived a trend in support of their own political viewpoint. However, this effect was observed only for respondents who were not much concerned about either issue. People's political outspokenness was primarily boosted by higher issue salience, more exposure and attention to television news and news magazines, and higher political interest and efficacy. 相似文献
13.
The study reported herein aimed to identify and discuss the nature and pattern of the uses of new media through a notable YouTube phenomenon. It analyzed 132 online videos centered on ‘Bus Uncle,’ a YouTube celebrity who rose into fame in Hong Kong during April 2006. Most of the videos drew references from local popular culture texts. They were mostly playful and sarcastic in their undertones. The collective behaviors in YouTube suggest that this hugely popular video-sharing site takes on the roles as public space, a playground and a cultural public sphere. 相似文献
14.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(2):176-195
This study examines how people perceive the influence of political talk radio in Hong Kong. Theoretically, the study focuses on the influence of message-attitude congruence, that is, the situation in which a person's opinions or attitudes are consistent with the viewpoints promulgated by media messages, on the third-person perception. It is argued that message-attitude congruence provides a situation in which people may attribute their attitudes partly to media influence. Hence message-attitude congruence is expected to relate to increased levels of perceived media influence on self, and thereby weaken the size of the third-person differential. Moreover, it is hypothesized that attribution of media influence should be more likely when people perceive the media influence as desirable and when there is the absence of alternative sources of influence. These arguments were tested with a telephone survey (N = 800) in Hong Kong, where political talk radio has been a prominent medium in the past decade. The results support the theoretical arguments and contribute to our understanding of the significance of the medium in the city. The broader theoretical implications of the findings are also discussed. 相似文献
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Bryce T. McIntyre 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(1):61-70
The VCR has long been viewed as a potential threat to conventional broadcast television and movie attendance, but research findings on this issue are somewhat mixed, A growing body of research suggests that a “complementarity principle” is at work—that is to say, the VCR is an extension and a reflection of older audio‐visual media—and this study seeks to explore that role in Southeast Asia. Hong Kong was considered an appropriate site for the study because Hong Kong is typical of many small, developing nations with a rapidly growing middle class and a new‐found prosperity. Its differences from Western nations notwithstanding, Hong Kong bears many similarities to the West, especially in terms of economic and social indicators. Research from the West is thus used as a starting point for the formulation of hypotheses in this study. Data were collected as part of Hong Kong's 1990 Indicators of Social Development study. This study confirms research in Western nations indicating that he VCR does not compete with cinema‐going and TV viewing, but complements these activities. In other words, the “complementarity principle” was sustained. On the other hand, some interesting deviations from Western patterns of VCR use also are noted. 相似文献
17.
Jason A. Martin 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(3):417-440
The effects of international news have been relatively underexamined despite evidence that socioeconomic-based gaps in knowledge and participation tend to be the widest for foreign news. This study investigated international news use, online expression, foreign affairs knowledge, and monetary donations in the context of the 2010 Haiti earthquake. Regression analysis of national survey data found that high levels of attention to news about the disaster narrowed the knowledge gap for foreign news questions. Also, attention to news about the earthquake was the strongest predictor of monetary donation to the relief effort after controls and was more than twice as likely as income to predict donation. Three measures of online expression (exchanging information about the Haiti earthquake via social media website, e-mail, and text message) also produced positive independent associations with donation, and produced a complementary effect with news attention when interaction terms were considered. 相似文献
18.
AbstractHistorical texts have much to offer young researchers in Hong Kong and Mainland China. Yet, many students feel that such resources are of no value to them. Consequently, academic library usage rates for historical East Asian texts are low, and continue to drop. In Hong Kong and Mainland China, however, there still remains a widespread appreciation of Chinese calligraphy. Through leveraging this interest, academic libraries in East Asia can motivate university students to engage with historical texts and discover what they have to offer. This paper will recount and reflect upon the Calligraphy Connections Project, an initiative aimed at getting students to engage with historical East Asian texts through the creation of calligraphy artworks, which were subsequently exhibited to the public. 相似文献
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This study extends the research of the third-person effect by examining the effect of time span of media message on perceptual and behavioral components of the third-person effect. Using a survey of Hong Kong residents, the study explores perceived media effect of the news coverage of a short- and a long-term issue and the predictor of intention to take action to reduce negative effect. The results revealed no third-person effect by the short-term messages and the reverse third-person effect (first-person effect) by the long-term messages. There was a significant difference in discrepancy between the perceived media effect on self and others (third-person perception) produced by the messages of the short- and long-term issue. The study also found that perceived media effect on self is a stronger predictor of intention to take action to reduce the negative effects of the short- and long-term issue than the third-person effect. 相似文献
20.
This article compares American, British, and Chinese news coverage of Internet privacy policies. Specifically, we examine media discourse about the “real-name” policies established by Facebook and Weibo. We find that U.S. and UK news coverage of Internet privacy policy is broadly similar, when compared with the more authoritarian–corporatist media system in China. British and U.S. newspapers were much more independent from state control, and were able to maintain a more critical stance than the Chinese newspapers. But there were additional factors that shaped the patterns in news discourse in complicated ways, which are related to (a) the difference between domestic and international news genres, (b) specific narratives about national identity, and (c) more general discourses about civil society, democracy, and the public good. We suggest that the range of comparative media research can be extended by paying attention to how these cultural factors interact with media system dynamics. 相似文献