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1.
作为第四权力的新闻传媒如果没有强烈的社会责任感,肆意妄为,将传媒仅仅作为获取私利或者达到其他目的的工具,罔顾社会与公众利益,这将给社会带来极大的危害。2014年9月28日,香港爆发占领中环运动,传媒针对这次运动的报道一定程度上拉长了这次运动的周期,起到了推波助澜的作用,香港民办传媒的社会责任感缺失严重。笔者身处深圳,能第一时间了解香港传媒的各项报道,本文分析了新闻传媒承担社会责任的必要性,而后再从香港占领中环运动发生以后的半个月香港传媒的表现分析香港传媒社会责任感的缺失。  相似文献   

2.
赵东  刘汉卿 《军事记者》2012,(10):29-30
中国人民解放军进驻香港15年来,担负着实践“一国两制”伟大方针的历史使命。接受海内外舆论尤其是香港传媒的检视。香港传媒对驻军的关注和报道,反映了社会主义的军队逐步适应资本主义的香港,反映了香港社会对驻军从陌生、排斥到接纳、认可的过程;同时透过香港传媒近乎苛刻的监督和报道。驻军从另一个角度反观自身的工作,自觉按照《基本法》和《驻军法》的规定,依法驻军、依法治军,并通过新闻发言人与特区政府、媒体和市民沟通的有效渠道,促进驻军与香港社会及传媒的良性互动,维护我军威武文明之师的良好形象。  相似文献   

3.
研究前提: 97回归前后,作为香港社会重新建构的一个重要影响因素,香港传媒倍受关注。海内外的传播学者对于过渡期前后的香港媒介有过一些较深入的研究,得出了一系列具有前瞻性的结论。之一是自过渡期起,直到回归以后,由于中国内地对香港的影响力的扩大,香港传媒对于中国内地的关注程度会不断提高;之二是97回归对香港的传媒生态会产生深远的影响;随着政治上的不明朗因素逐渐消除,公众会更认真地对待社会问题,因此需要媒介以更加严肃和全面客观的态度来报道新闻。①然而回归以后的香港传媒在处理重大新闻时其客观、严肃程度如何,  相似文献   

4.
香港报纸的自律与他律   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
1998年10月 ,香港发行量最大的报纸之一———《苹果日报》的记者炮制了“陈健康事件”的假新闻 :一名叫陈健康的男子 ,在妻子因不满其在内地寻欢而带着两名年幼子女跳楼自杀后 ,仍继续北上深圳嫖妓。这一事件在回归后的香港特区引起传媒的反思 ,香港社会也因此展开讨论 :究竟由谁来约束传媒 ?如何约束传媒 ?从世界范围来看 ,制约传媒的力量无外乎两种 :自律和他律。自律是指传媒的经营者和从业人员具有明确的职业道德观念并愿意依此进行自我约束 ,在自由报道新闻的同时又不滥用新闻自由 ,从而对社会和公众负责。他律则相对于自律而言…  相似文献   

5.
段鹏 《现代传播》2003,(6):93-96
本文详尽介绍了香港传媒教育的发展现状和特点 ,包括专业设置、教师聘用机制、教学方式等。同时 ,分析并预测了在新的政治、经济背景下 ,香港传媒教育的发展趋向  相似文献   

6.
女书又称"女字",是世界现存唯一的女性文字,具有重要研究价值。在现代传媒的影响下,女书流传的村落已发生巨大改变,而这些变迁直接影响着女书传承。本文以浦尾村为典型研究对象,以社会互动理论为阐释框架,运用民族志方法,分析电视媒介与浦尾村和女书传人的社会互动,以及女书的传承保护现状。通过分析认为:在电视媒介与女书的社会互动模式中,浦尾村和女书传人主动与电视媒介进行互动,使之纳入到原有的生活模式下,电视媒介则在潜移默化中影响着浦尾村和女书传人,女书的传承保护渐渐翻开崭新的一页。  相似文献   

7.
伴随着信息化的飞速发展,互联网进入千家万户,成为每个家庭的日常生活所需。其代表着一种全新的网络传媒迅速占据主流传媒市场,并逐渐发展成报刊、广播和电视等传统传媒之外的传媒形式。这种新型的传媒方式,在日常的新闻传播中发挥着重要作用。本文从互联网和纸质传媒两个角度出发,分析对比两种不同性质的传媒在现代社会发展中的相互影响。  相似文献   

8.
邹琳 《青年记者》2012,(21):31-32
当前,我国的媒介生态影响和制约着我国媒介化社会的发展.媒介生态作为一个变动的系统,媒介本身的多元化、媒体内容的多样性都促进了传媒的发展,但一些传媒的发展是以破坏传媒生态为代价的.只有建立媒介之间的良性和谐生态环境,进一步净化传媒生态空间,才能引导整个社会健康发展.目前影响我国媒介化社会发展的因素,主要有以下几个方面.  相似文献   

9.
随着人们文化需求的不断增多,传媒发挥着越来越重要的作用,正在扩大着对社会受众的影响,包括心理、修养、价值取向、审美情趣等方面。尤其是在社会转型期间,人们对传媒的依赖度更高,媒体担负着重大的社会责任,作为新闻从业人员不仅要有良好  相似文献   

10.
20世纪初,伴随现代电影工业的兴起,现代意义上的"明星"得以诞生,并风靡至今.明星的生产及其身份的维持离不开现代传媒,现代社会庞大的传媒体系就是一架明星生产的大机器,风光无限的明星是传媒娱乐业流水线上生产的生动产品.但在当下中国大众传媒明星生产的场域内,媒介并非唯一的利益主体,若干利益集团或个人以不同的方式参与书写着明星生产的话语.本文在利益相关者理论分析框架下探讨媒介与其它利益集团的权力运作策略及其对明星生产的制约,图绘影响明星生产的复杂权力运作系统.  相似文献   

11.
Di Cui 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(6):582-600
The disappearance of Malaysian Airline Flight MH370 attracted high media attention across countries. To explore how news media outlets influence each other in transnational settings, this study focuses on the coverage of MH370 by three major newspapers in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong, and examines the inter-media agenda-setting effect as an indicator of media’s mutual influence. A content analysis of 255 news articles revealed significant correlations among the issue agendas of the 3 newspapers, suggesting the existence of reciprocal, though asymmetrical, influence among the news media in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong. The findings also suggest that news media differ in power and that news media in high-power countries play a key role in shaping the global news agenda.  相似文献   

12.
This paper examines the media system of Hong Kong from a socio‐cultural perspective. It proposes to analyse five major factors that determine a media system, namely, political structure, economic structure, media proprietors’ culture, media practitioners’ culture, and audience's culture. Interactions of these five factors result in four ideal‐type media systems. They are: Type I, Free System; Type II, Relatively Free System; Type III, Relatively Repressive System; and Type IV, Repressive System. Analysed in this context, the present media situation in Hong Kong can be considered to be a relatively free system. However, it is also observed that the media system in Hong Kong is likely to become a relatively repressive system after 1997. The paper further suggests that the socio‐cultural model developed here can be used for cross‐cultural comparison.  相似文献   

13.
香港互联网的发展起源于 2 0世纪 90年代初 ,自 1 994年香港电台上网后 ,香港传媒在网络中的发展一直较为平稳 ,1 999年也形成一定的热潮。但 2 0 0 0年网络泡沫的破灭 ,也给香港网络媒体带来一定的冲击。此后 ,各媒体网站纷纷寻找各自的出路。目前 ,香港媒体网上发展思路主要有 :辅助传统媒体的发展、做门户型网站、做专业型门户网站以及跨媒体发展。从总体看 ,香港媒体网站的相互合作较少 ,新闻处理手段还不够丰富 ,整体影响力还小。  相似文献   

14.
英国殖民统治香港一个半世纪,在香港颁布了大量新闻法规。香港新闻法制的演变大致分成四个阶段,第一阶段是起步期,从1841年到1900年英国奠定殖民统治香港基本格局后,建立了以注册监管为主体的新闻法律制度。第二阶段是发展期,从1900年到1945年二次世界大战结束,制订了有关以内容监管为主体的新闻法规。第三阶段是延续期,从1945年英国恢复对香港殖民统治到1985年《中英联合声明》正式生效前,进一步延续了有关新闻内容监管法规的制订。第四阶段是调整期,从1985年到1997年香港回归祖国前,港英当局为掩盖殖民专制本质,为香港平稳过渡设置障碍,调整和放松了有关新闻媒体管制的法令法规。港英政府的新闻法制建设始终是其殖民统治体制的延伸,但客观上也表现出了积极性的一面。  相似文献   

15.
This paper first analyses the communication research environment in Hong Kong in regard to its socio‐political context, the media industry and more direct factors such as research freedom, financial‐institutional support, incentives, size and quality of trained personnel While the overall environment is facilitative, the small size of the research community in Hong Kong is limiting the volume of research output and scope of specialization. In reviewing researches in the last decade, it is found that commercial researches are generally more concerned about opinion distribution and media consumption. Government policy researches‐centre around media evaluations, preferences, programme standards and other regulatory issues. Academics pay most attention to political communication, international communication and, less so, information technology. As to future research, the author argues for more frequent use of longitudinal and comparative methods, the search for an original theoretical contribution to communication, an urban research agenda in development communication, the study of dependent communication development, interaction between mass media and political formation, regional cultural integration, advertising, media management, information technology and policy. The establishment of a communication policy forum is also called for to promote exchanges among academics, policy‐makers, media practitioners and interest groups. The expansion of the research community in Hong Kong hinges on successful faculty recruitment, the establishment of a doctoral communication programme and the relief of some staffs teaching overload.  相似文献   

16.
Bo Li 《Media History》2013,19(3):270-283
The early twentieth century witnessed both the thriving of Chinese newspapers in the British colony Hong Kong and the boom of Chinese translation of foreign literature. This article, through the translated literature in Chinese newspapers, explores the interaction among print media, Chinese women, and translation in the early twentieth century Hong Kong. It argues that many factors contributed to the prevailing ideology concerning women in the British colony, including the skewed sex ratio, Confucianism as the hegemonic ideology, and the conspiracy between elite Chinese and the colonial rulers, and thus that the manipulation of images of women in Chinese translations was ideologically motivated. Such pervasive ideology characteristic of Hong Kong at that given moment in history undoubtedly created pressures on the translators, which were exacerbated by the difference in the construction of the images of women in the English original and its Chinese translated counterparts.  相似文献   

17.
Adopting the Orientation–Stimuli–Reasoning–Orientation–Response (O–S–R–O–R) model of political communication effects, this study examines the mediating roles of online/offline political discussion and political trust on the relationship between social media information seeking and online/offline political participation in China and Hong Kong. Findings through structural equation modeling showed that the relationship between information seeking and online participation was mediated by online discussion for both samples. Moreover, the relationship between information seeking and offline participation was mediated by offline discussion, and offline discussion mediated the relationship between information seeking and online participation. Political trust did not mediate any of the relationships in China and Hong Kong and all significant paths involving political trust were negative. Implications of the findings for youth political participation in China and Hong Kong are discussed.  相似文献   

18.
In recent years, many academic libraries have started adopting social media by, for example, establishing their own Facebook pages. Our research investigates the current Facebook usage among seven university libraries in Hong Kong. Using a mixed-method research approach, we examined the characteristics of academic libraries Facebook usage and its effectiveness to engage with their patrons, based on online observations and Web content analysis from the publicly available data of the Facebook pages.Our results indicated that most libraries in Hong Kong adopted Facebook as a marketing tool, yet the user engagement level in these pages is low. In addition, we also discovered that communication-related posts and video-type posts can attract the most attention of patrons. Based on these outcomes, we provided some recommendations on the application of Facebook for academic libraries.  相似文献   

19.
本文调研香港地区8所公立高校图书馆网站,收集其图书馆战略规划信息,选取香港大学图书馆、香港理工大学图书馆及香港岭南大学图书馆最新制定的未来几年战略规划为文本内容,详细对比分析3所高校图书馆的战略规划愿景、使命、目标及其实施计划等内容,总结其制定战略规划的思维过程和框架构建方法,以期为内地高校图书馆制定“十四五”规划提供借鉴。  相似文献   

20.
The modern Olympic Games have been regarded as vehicles for governments to use elite athletes to promote soft power agendas and build national cohesion. Adopting textual analysis, the present study examined the global sports events within a specific sociocultural context, by analyzing and comparing the reportage of 2008 and 2012 Summer Olympics in four Hong Kong newspapers. All the news articles were probed to discern pervading themes regarding the Olympic champions as celebrities, and three discursive formations were identified: national heroes, rags-to-riches figures, and stars in the entertainment industry. The findings make visible both the instances that nurture the perception of national identity and Hong Kong media's alternative responses to the party-state's propaganda. Although the Olympics can play a positive role in articulating national pride and fostering national identity, the study also shows the complexities of the construction of Chinese nationalism and patriotism in postcolonial Hong Kong.  相似文献   

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