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1.
This article examines the political and social implications of broadening public discourse and facilitating a collective mediated space in which gendered inequities, interests, and identities are debated via the feminist reproductive health radio program Bienvenida Salud! The article describes the mediascape in rural and indigenous Peruvian Amazonian communities and the ways in which feminist reproductive rights discourse has been introduced and interpreted in communities that have limited exposure to global feminism. By analyzing the reception and listening practices among the Bienvenida Salud! audience, the authors explore arguments about the limits and possibilities of participatory media to effect social change. Finally, the article examines the capacity of Amazonian women to use alternative media to voice their traditionally ignored reproductive health priorities, goals, and practices, and in so doing, critically assesses the potential of participatory media interventions to influence the discourses of global feminism and population planning. 相似文献
2.
Meg Tully 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2018,35(2):194-207
This study engages in current scholarly debates regarding third-wave versus postfeminist media icons through an analysis of Tina Belcher, the eldest daughter in the animated series Bob’s Burgers and a paragon of what I coin “millennial feminism.” In it, I argue that Tina rejects popular postfeminist discourses and experiences a politicized feminist awakening. While Tina is significant in her own right, most remarkable is the way millennial audiences have utilized the internet to position Tina as a feminist folk hero. Ultimately, I trace how popular critics use Tina to theorize a millennial feminism that reflects the values and characteristics of the millennial generation. Revisiting Sarah Banet-Weiser’s (2004. “Girls rule! Gender, feminism, and Nickelodeon.” Critical Studies in Media Communication, 21, pp. 119–139) argument that Nickelodeon’s girl power programming demonstrated third-wave feminist politics for its audiences, I argue that adult-oriented animated sitcoms lend themselves to an absurdity and disregard for hegemonic gender ideologies which have the potential to unsettle dominant ideologies of gender and sexuality and can define contemporary feminist politics for viewers. 相似文献
3.
Susana Martínez Guillem Christopher C. Barnes 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2018,35(3):286-299
In this article we locate, interpret, and critique the figure of the “bad” white mother, focusing on the critically acclaimed AMC drama, Mad Men. Advancing feminist and postcolonial approaches to myth, we uncover a prevailing “white consciousness” that relies on racializing logics in, first of all, Mad Men’s representations of (white) motherhood through the character of Betty Draper, and second, public discussions of the show in academic and media outlets. Drawing on Black feminist thought, we propose that these discourses rely on and feed underlying assumptions that support post(racial)feminism—an ideological location that allows for the explicit embracement of “bad” mothering as a progressive, even transgressive act that, at the same time, implicitly relies on expectations for (good) mothering shaped by white privilege. This cross-pollination between postfeminism and whiteness, we argue, is especially important to engage, since it carries potentially limiting implications for our collective imagination about what anti-racist and feminist struggles should entail. 相似文献
4.
This paper analyses the extensive reactions and intensive discussions generated by Heshang, a six‐part documentary series aired in June 1988 in China. The documentary, advocating a ‘full‐scale adoption of Western ideas’, and ‘total abandoning of Chinese traditional culture’, stirred up party leaders' displeasure. Furthermore, the paper also analyses the presentation rationale and strategy (such as use of symbols, emotional appeal, etc.) used in Heshang. The analysis suggests that the programme producers' experiment of conveying complex social, cultural and historical contents in a documentary format is successful and innovative. Additionally, Heshang has enormous implications for contemporary Chinese politics, in particular the use of television as a public forum on controversial issues. As such, this paper enhances our understanding of the role and impact of the mass media in China. 相似文献
5.
Sarah Stevens 《The Communication Review》2014,17(3):256-268
To date, feminists have conflated (and continue to conflate) historical understandings of bondage, discipline, dominance and submission, and sadomasochism (BDSM) as pathological and representations of BDSM in literature and popular media with the lived experiences of feminist BDSM practitioners. Feminist BDSM practitioner Madison Young’s pornographic film 50 Shades of Dylan Ryan (2012) takes the recent resurgence of the ongoing debate on women, submission, and popular literature as a starting point for reconsideration and possibility. By adapting the discourse surrounding 50 Shades of Grey, Young’s pornographic film points to the ways in which feminism also contributes to that which makes pleasure possible. Young’s film reimagines the dualities that have traditionally dominated feminist cultural critique through concepts the author calls “mediated authenticity” and “formal simultaneity.” Beginning with a brief, rigorous examination of the 50 Shades of Grey phenomenon, this article analyzes Madison Young’s 50 Shades of Dylan Ryan and seeks to provide a critical intervention in feminist studies of pornography and popular culture. 相似文献
6.
This study investigated how social media use and online social capital might have influenced social trust and risk perception of a public health crisis in China. It also tested the validity and reliability of the online social capital measurement in the context of a Chinese food-safety crisis. Study findings validated the impact of online social capital on social trust and risk perception. In addition, two new dimensions of online social capital scale were identified; these two dimensions are in parallel to Putnam’s [2000. Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of american community. New York: Simon and Schuster] conception of ‘bonding social capital’ and ‘bridging social capital.’ Social and policy implications of the study results are discussed. 相似文献
7.
Research has analyzed media framing of cause and solution responsibility attribution in diabetes discourse. Studies have not similarly engaged with how media frame diabetes ‘effects’, an integral framing component because it comprises the ‘problem definition’ of diabetes. Moreover, the combination of causal attribution and effects provides a ‘moral evaluation’ on who carries the burden of the disease. This paper asks ‘how does the New Zealand print media frame diabetes definition and responsibility attribution?’ We identify key frames used to discursively construct Gestational, Type 1 and Type 2 diabetes discourse. Content and thematic analysis reveal that media predominantly discuss diabetes without type-specification and with a high reference to obesity and behavioral choices as causal factors. Diabetes is defined as an individual’s medical concern, which when mismanaged results in amputation, blindness, kidney disease and coronary disease. We consider the implications of media coverage on public response to diabetes as a societal concern. 相似文献
8.
《Government Information Quarterly》2018,35(4):579-587
As governments are increasingly turning to social media as a means of engaging the public, questions remain as to how they are actually using various social media platforms. Do specific platforms engender specific types of messages? If so, what are they, and how do they affect civic engagement, co-participation, and address citizen concerns? In this paper, we compare the use of Instagram and Twitter by ‘The Big Lift’, a bridge re-decking project completed by Halifax Harbour Bridges. Based on a content analysis of Instagram (n = 248) and Twitter (n = 1278) public posts, we found that Instagram was used as a more ‘informal’ narrative platform that promoted a clicktivist type of responses from the audience, whereas Twitter was a more ‘formal’ news platform that supported greater two-way communication between the organization and the audience. We conclude that by building and maintaining their active presence and following base on social media, and especially on Twitter, organizations can develop a capacity to address social concerns during disruptive events or infrastructure projects like ‘The Big Lift’. 相似文献
9.
The news media’s use of polls is by no means the special preserve of democracies. Using the case of Chinese government’s official medium (i.e. the People’s Daily), this study set out to assess how poll results are communicated to the public in China by examining the presentation of methodological information in its poll stories, and how its web counterpart, the People’s Daily Online website, differs in its coverage of polls from a technical point of view. It then examined the outlets’ interpretations of poll results and the media logic the coverage implies in comparison with the political logic that shapes poll reporting in China. Further critical discourse analysis reveals the use of authoritarian populist rhetoric as a discursive strategy in both outlets’ representation of public opinion. Compared with the print outlet, the online outlet showed a more marked inclination to describe a certain class as ‘the people’ in anti-elite rhetoric. 相似文献
10.
Yue Tan 《传播与批判/文化研究》2020,17(3):322-338
ABSTRACT While media frames reflect the dominant discourse about an issue, frame analysis can elucidate how they affect public perception. 1 Employing content analysis of news coverage of adolescents’ use of social media in mainstream newspapers (n?=?323) from 2014 to 2017, supplemented with secondary data from two national surveys of adolescents, this study investigates how news media construct the reality of adolescents’ use of social media; how the constructed reality differs from the subjective reality reported by adolescents’ themselves; and how news media reflect the elite discourse in terms of adolescence’s nature, agency, and needs in the context of using social media. 相似文献
11.
Rebecca de Souza 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(4):477-493
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are deeply embedded within the socio-political landscape of India. NGOs were instituted by the Indian government specifically for the purpose of nation-building at the time of national independence in 1947 (Muttalib, 1987). In recent times however, NGOs have come under much scrutiny because of the expanding neoliberal agenda, and global discourse surrounding NGOs often involves questions of accountability. Communication scholars have studied NGOs in various contexts, but what remains unexplored is the question of how NGOs are portrayed within the media, which in contemporary society constitutes the public sphere or space of public opinion. It is important to look at the media because public legitimacy can have serious consequences for an NGO's ability to garner funds, influence policy, and build trust in beneficiary communities. This study thus asks the research question: How are NGOs framed in the Indian media? A qualitative analysis was employed to identify news frames or ‘interpretive packages’ used to talk about NGOs in two of the most widely-circulated English daily newspapers in India. The analysis identified four frames: the ‘do-good’ frame, protest frame, partner frame, and the public accountability frame. The findings show that, for the most part, NGOs are represented in a positive and even a nationalistic light, in spite of the larger global discourse interrogating NGO practices. The discussion elaborates on institutional, political, and historical reasons why NGOs are portrayed favorably in the newspapers. 相似文献
12.
This study considered health coverage in 3 highly circulated U.S. feminist magazines: Ms., Bitch, and Bust. The authors used critical discourse analysis to examine 80 print and online articles for representations of liberal, social, radical, and postfeminist feminist ideologies in health coverage; the rhetorical strategies publications used for health content and how they compare with mainstream women’s magazines; and their emphasis on health policy and public health initiatives. The findings suggested that the magazines relied on discursive approaches resembling those of mainstream magazines when covering health, such as prioritizing personal health issues and individualized responses. However, through distinctive feminist lenses, they also performed better than mainstream women’s magazines in presenting health issues, representing a broader range of concerns affecting women, addressing people from diverse communities, and suggesting opportunities for collective response. 相似文献
13.
国际自媒体涉华舆情现状、传播特征及引导策略 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
本文选取了10种国际自媒体形式,通过内容分析的方法研究国际自媒体涉华舆情现状及传播特征。通过研究,本文发现:近年,中国重大事件频发引发国际自媒体关注;自媒体对中国报道框架与传统媒体相比并无明显变化,涉华经济、文化、科技往往给予正面反应,而涉华政治、环境以及民族、宗教问题多负面反应。国际自媒体涉华内容并非自创,而以转载西方国际主流媒体为主;英美发达国家基本垄断国际自媒体上涉华信息流;发达国家受众形塑自媒体涉华舆论;传统媒体从业人员成为自媒体时代的舆论领袖;在此基础之上,本文提出了针对国际自媒体涉华舆论引导的策略和建议。 相似文献
14.
Comparative framing analysis on coverage of the North Korean nuclear test in the US Associated Press, Chinese Xinhua, and South Korean Yonhap news agencies identified four major media packages. First, a common ‘threat’ frame dominated coverage by all news agencies, represented by reconfiguration of geopolitics and an emphasis on global cooperation in both perception and resolution of the nuclear test. Second, with each nation positioning itself differently in the world power system, the issue was notably domesticated in the news, with Associated Press connecting the nuclear test to the broader ‘War on Terror’ framework found frequently in US media, Xinhua promoting a negotiation principle in handling the issue, and Yonhap framing the test with a ‘Cold War’ perspective. In all three cases, national political interests exerted important impacts on the construction of frames. The compatibility of the seemingly opposite packages (globalizing vs. domesticating) signifies both intensification of worldwide social relations and reassertion of national stands. This finding lends support to the transformationalist view of globalization, which suggests that the nation state still matters in a globalized world, but is being recontextualized in a more complex world of politics and culture. 相似文献
15.
This study examines the rationalisation of the news frames of currency-related international economic interaction by analysing news articles from the ‘China Focus’ column in China’s state-run Xinhua News Agency. Thematic analysis of the main themes in the news articles shows dominant positive coverage of China’s economic development. Using qualitative content analysis, it also investigates the breeding of the ‘emergence’ of constructive journalism practices in China. It finds that Xinhua prioritises the frames of referring to solutions to the conflict and problem and mentioning the social and economic stability, sustainability, and prosperous development. The frames of moral judgement, conflict and its formation, and human interest are less applied in news articles. It bears elements of constructive journalism, but still needs efforts to make a clear division from positive journalism and Party journalism. 相似文献
16.
Seong Choul Hong 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):86-106
The objective of this study is to explore whether the US media overemphasized recalled Chinese products in 2007 and, if so, how news coverage in the US media differed from that of the Chinese media. By using a framing analysis of the coverage in two US media and two Chinese media, this study pursues answers to these questions. After comparing the news coverage of the recalled Chinese products and a real world indictor, this study found that neither US nor Chinese media mirrored the real world phenomenon as it was. By comparing news coverage of the issue in The New York Times and The Associated Press with China Daily, and The Xinhua News Agency, the study found that news coverage of the recalled issues differed significantly in terms of the sources used, the nationality of the source, the dominant frames employed, and the attribution of responsibility for the problems. In particular, Chinese media more frequently employed government officials as their main sources, which inherently increased the use of thematic frames. By contrast, US media often used episodic frames. Likewise, American media approached the issues using ‘Customers' Worries’ and ‘Broken System’ frames, whereas Chinese media often attempted to defend the quality of Chinese products and criticized Western media for exaggerating the issues. Owing to the news framing process, US audiences might have acquired more negative images of Chinese products and China in general. By contrast, their Chinese counterparts might have experienced increased antipathy and distrust concerning the American media. 相似文献
17.
Hyunjin Seo 《Visual Communication Quarterly》2014,21(3):150-161
This study analyzed images posted to Twitter by the Israel Defense Forces and Hamas' Alqassam Brigades during the November 2012 Gaza conflict to understand aspects of visual propaganda in the age of social media and online social networking. Content analysis was conducted to identify themes and frames prominently appearing in a total of 243 Twitter images posted by the two sides during a two-month period. Resistance and unity were the most prominent themes in the images posted by Israel and causalities of civilians and resistance were most prominent in Hamas-posted images. The majority of the Israeli images featured the analytical propaganda frame whereas the emotional propaganda frame was dominant in Hamas images. 相似文献
18.
This online survey conducted at a public university in the Northwest (N = 434) examines the influence of political involvement, information source attention, and online political discussion on young adults’ political efficacy. A factor analysis indicated that political information sources loaded into three factors including conventional and online hard news media such as newspapers, opinion and social media such as blogs or social networking websites, and public affairs websites including government and candidate websites. A path analysis revealed significant differences in their association with online political expression and external efficacy. As an entry point in the theoretical model, involvement in public affairs positively associated with attention to political information sources, online political expression, and external political efficacy. Attention to hard news and to public affairs websites positively predicted political efficacy. Attention to online opinion and social media and to public affairs websites positively predicted online political expression. 相似文献
19.
Margaret Henderson 《档案与原稿》2013,41(2):91-104
Over the last couple of decades, the modern Australian women’s movement has been the subject of history, which includes the creation of feminist archives in various locations This essay analyses one particular collection – the personal papers of the feminist activist, Merle Thornton – as an account of the making and meaning of a feminist archive. I wish to explore the ways in which the feminist subject impacts on the archive. Accordingly, I analyse the archival process, as well as the contents of Thornton’s personal papers. What emerge are the difficulties of negotiating the public–private divide for this feminist activist. 相似文献
20.
本文通过对国内有关老年群体信息传播技术(ICT)使用的学术话语展开框架分析,阐释了框架的建构及其背后的预设。分析发现,既有研究的话语框架倾向于将老年群体的"断连"(disconnect)行为问题化,强调数字融入的积极影响和断开连接的负面影响,并将问题归因为老年群体对技术的恐惧和新媒体素养的匮乏,呼吁通过文化反哺等社会干预策略让老年群体"跑步"进入数字化。本文提出将"断连"视为一种文化现象加以考察,探寻其中所编织的意义之网,丰富老年群体的信息传播技术使用的面向。此外,置身于无处不在的"连接文化"之中,应当营造一个对老年群体更为友好的基础设施环境与语言环境,在公共生活中提供多种选择的可能。 相似文献