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太行山上最强音解放战争时期,延安新华社的文字广播、延安新华广播电台的口语广播,是中华大地的最强音。论电台的功率,远不及国民党的中央通讯社和中央广播电台。但是,谣言腿短,真理气壮。有识者对国民党的广播不屑一顾,都根据延安的声音决定政治行止。第一个驾驶美制轰炸机投奔延安的刘善本同志,就是从收听延安广播开始,由爱国主义而共产主义,后来为新中国的空军建设作出贡献。国民党对解放区的全面进攻,从1946年6月开始, 相似文献
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通讯社需不需要花大力气搞好地方新闻(或称地方性新闻)报道,地方新闻在通讯社的报道中是否应占据重要的位置,这似乎不应成为一个疑问。近年来,在新华社新闻业务改革中,增强报道的服务意识和用户意识已成为大家的一个共识,新华社的新闻信息产品不仅很好地服务于中 相似文献
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正民国时期档案又称旧政权档案,系指1912年中华民国成立至1949年中华人民共和国成立之前单位及个人形成的档案。我县档案馆收藏的民国档案,绝大部分是解放后从原国民党旧政府机关中接收过来的,还有少量是来自于民间个人上缴和捐赠。民国档案较系统地反映了民国时期镇赉县各单位的主要活动和境内发生的重大事件,是民国时期政治、军事、 相似文献
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民国时期的中央通讯社简称“中央社”,是国民党主要的宣传“喉舌”。1937年卢沟桥事变爆发后,日本发动了全面侵华战争。随着日军步步向南京逼近,中央社面临着严峻的挑战。从8月15日开始,日军飞机对南京进行了长达四个月的猛烈轰炸,中央社也成为日机的主要攻击目标之一。位于南京丁家桥的中央社总社及各地分社的房屋、设备经常遭到日机的轰炸,一些地方的分社由于战事的原因, 相似文献
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世界上的通讯社10年来有所增加,现在有90个主权国家有通讯社,但是还有40国(其中25国人口在100万以上)没有通讯社。所有的通讯社都不仅向报刊,还向广播电台和电视台供应国际新闻和国内新闻。在50国中,通讯社是由国家控有或指挥的,在另外40国中,一个或一个以上的通讯社是由一些报纸(有的是广播电台、电视台)共同控有的或津贴的组织,或是独立的公司(有的是由国家创设的)。各地区的通讯社之间, 相似文献
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北京奥运会开幕在即,媒体大战硝烟渐浓.面对这一举世盛会,不同的媒体拥有的机会事实上是不平等的.世界级通讯社拥有天然强势、国家级媒体和国内体育专业报拥有雄厚的采访资源,而地方性报纸受财力、人力和技术条件的限制,不可能获得很多的采访机会和信息资源,因此不能奢望与世界级通讯社、国家级媒体和专业性报纸全面竞争.那么,地方性报纸在奥运新闻大战中如何在夹缝中 相似文献
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从1927年北伐军到达郑汴,至1937年抗日战争爆发,国民党在河南建立其统治的10年,河南新闻事业在此时期,继续有所发展,其间可分为冯玉祥统治与蒋介石统治两个阶段。 一、冯玉祥主持豫政时期 1927年春,冯玉祥率国民军联军自陕西出潼关东进,响应北伐。5月与武汉北伐军会师郑州,把张作霖的奉系势力赶出了河南。6月,冯氏到达开封,任河南省政府主席。一时军阀统治时期的汴郑各报刊通讯社均告停刊。省政府将《新中州报》接收,改出《河南民报》,作为自己的机关报。国民军联军总司令部宣传处在郑州出版了《革命军人朝报》。随后,国民党河南省党部改组成立,也出版了机关报《新中华日报》。与这三家报纸同时,还创办有三个通讯社,即同《河南民报》一起的中州通讯社;《革命军人朝报》附设的中华通讯社;和《新中华日报》同属国民党河南省党部的河南通讯社。 相似文献
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因特网的迅猛发展 ,给通讯社带来巨大挑战 ,使其“新闻信息总汇”的地位受到威胁。同时 ,因特网又给通讯社带来极大的机遇 ,大量网站的出现 ,为通讯社孕育了一个巨大的新闻信息市场。西方三大通讯社在发展其网络服务时 ,采取了基本相同的策略 ,第一 ,采用通讯社的传统模式向网站提出新闻信息 ,第二 ,走资源整合的道路 ,与外部公司特别是IT公司合作 ,向全球提供无限上网服务和技术。 相似文献
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孙如陵,民国时期知名新闻学人。在国民党中央政治学校新闻学系就读期间,担任《新闻学季刊》编辑。毕业后历任《中央日报》记者、《中央日报》专门性副刊《报学》双周刊编辑、《报学杂志》编辑。孙如陵的新闻为学之路,是民国时期的一种典型,求学伊始即开始新闻实践与新闻学术研究。这种“半工半读”经历不仅给他带来新闻实践的切身体验,还有新闻学理的深刻体悟。本文就民国时期孙如陵的新闻学观、新闻观、新闻教育观、报业发展观进行分析,揭示其独到的理论洞见。 相似文献
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《Journalism Practice》2013,7(1):27-45
Our analysis of 2207 domestic news reports in a structured sample of UK “quality” (the Guardian, The Times, the Independent and the Telegraph) and mid-market (Daily Mail) newspapers, revealed journalists’ extensive use of copy provided by public relations sources and news agencies, especially the UK-based Press Association. A political economic explanation for this reliance on news stories produced “outside the newsroom”, draws inspiration from Gandy's notion of information subsidies and presents findings from a substantive content analysis of selected UK national newspapers, interviews with journalists working on national titles and news agencies, as well as detailed archival analysis of UK newspaper companies’ annual accounts across 20 years to deliver information about newspapers’ profitability, their expansive editorial pagination as well as the number of journalists they employ. The argument here is that this reliance on public relations and news agency copy has been prompted by the need for a relatively stable community of journalists to meet an expansive requirement for news in order to maintain newspapers’ profitability in the context of declining circulations and revenues. 相似文献
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Rhoda Desbordes 《Media History》2013,19(2):121-139
This article proposes an approach to media imperialism from the telegraphic news agencies’ point of view. Since the mid-nineteenth century, in fact, Western imperial interests were reflected in the geographical expansion led by the first international news agencies. The War of the Pacific (1879–83) in South America provides an entry point for investigating both the notion of the British ‘informal empire’ and the role of the first telegraphic news agencies in the South American region. The history of the news agency business in the subcontinent from the 1850s onwards helps contextualize the conflict between the South American republics of Bolivia, Chile and Peru as news agencies, newspapers and other information practices of the time revealed this event in Europe and the rest of the world. By the end of the war, Reuters and Havas (the British and the French news agencies), numbered their own casualties as a consequence of their confrontation in an extra-European region. 相似文献
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王志敏 《浙江传媒学院学报》2003,10(1):16-19
新闻频道在国际上已有成功的运作,但在我国还是刚刚起步,需要学习借鉴国际先进的经验。本文对较有影响的美国新闻频道CNN进行了简单的总结,概略地介绍了国际新闻频道的情况,并对我国的地方性新闻频道——福建新闻频道进行了分析,对新闻频道的建设提供了自己的想法。 相似文献
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Julie Firmstone 《Journalism Practice》2016,10(7):928-938
Local news media in the United Kingdom are undergoing a multitude of changes which have implications for our understanding of their value in local democracies. Despite the potential significance of these changes for those actors responsible for the provision of local news, very little research has investigated journalists’ and political communicators’ perceptions of the impact of these threats and opportunities. This article addresses this gap by presenting research which investigated the views of key stakeholders in the production of local news in a large city in the United Kingdom. The thematic analysis of 14 interviews evaluates how normative roles attributed to journalism, such as representing the public, acting as a watchdog, providing information, and running campaigns, are being fulfilled by different news providers in the current news ecology. 相似文献
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随着中国社会政治文明建设的推进,我国的新闻发言人制度已经出现了制度理念转变、法制保障和形式多元的新发展趋势,这对克服传统新闻发言人制度的弊端,更好地发挥新闻发言人制度的社会效益,向国际惯例靠拢提供了积极保障。 相似文献
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Tanya Muscat 《Journalism Practice》2018,12(2):220-235
When considering the role of local journalism in a networked media environment, it is crucial to examine how audiences attribute news with the power to define social knowledge. In particular, television news programs need to appeal to audiences by reinforcing a sense of local journalistic authority to assert the parameters of who and what is worthy of coverage. This article presents the findings from interviews with a range of commercial television news viewers in Sydney, Australia. It positions viewership in the context of people’s wider engagement with news, and in relation to their interpersonal and digital social interactions. The paper argues that local audiences have conflicting attitudes to the role of television news, both contesting and re-inscribing the programs with the power to demarcate social, political, and cultural knowledge. It traces how local audiences challenge the ability of news to convey boundaries within the community through processes of exclusion, connecting the contestations to the lived experiences of the individuals. It identifies that television news programs nurture journalistic authority in terms of their local relevance, and it contributes insights on the significance of local news by engaging with the means by which audiences themselves attach social power to journalism. 相似文献
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Ahmed Al-Rawi 《Journalism Practice》2017,11(6):705-720
This study aims at understanding international news differences by studying the headlines of over 360,000 news stories posted on the Twitter pages of 12 Arabic and English news organizations. The most referenced countries as well as figures and political actors are examined in these headlines, and the results show that a number of news values elements provide insight into the nature of the news selection. While Arabic channels are mostly focused on the events taking place in the Middle East (proximity), some English-language channels show clear preference for the countries from which they are located, especially CNN and Sky News, as well as Arabic and English state-owned media outlets like France 24 and RT (agenda and ideology). The findings suggest that news content largely follows a number of news values criteria that can explain the news selection process. 相似文献
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Yi Guo 《Media History》2013,19(2):145-162
This article examines the American-mediated myth of ‘new China’ spanning from the Chinese Revolution in 1911 to the American recognition of the Chinese Republic in 1913, in an effort to understand the complicated relations between news discourse, cultural issues and foreign relations in this particular historical context. The Chinese Revolution, overthrowing a deep-rooted feudalism and establishing an Americanized republican government, appealed to American sentiments of religious sympathy and ethnocentrism during the Progressive Era. The media myth of ‘new China’ was not only a significant part of discourses which enhanced American identity and nationalism, but also acted as the cognitive context and a determinant reason in the political discourse towards recognizing China. 相似文献