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1.
民营电视产业是在民营经济政策和电视媒介政策的双重约束下发展的。我国民营经济政策的整体大环境一直不利于民营电视节目公司的成长。＂事业单位企业化管理＂和＂制播分离＂以来,我国的媒介政策环境逐步宽松,在文化体制改革的浪潮中,中国民营电视产业的政策环境发生了深刻的变化。 相似文献
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<正>中国民营电视已经走过了十年的历程。在这十年中, 中国民营电视取得了辉煌的成就,为中国电视产业作出了巨大的贡献。虽然成绩突出,但是有三大忧患严重困扰着民营电视的稳健发展,亟待早日解决。一、忧患一:政策“瓶颈” (一)进入限制的模糊性。政策“瓶颈”首先表现在进入限制的模糊性。现阶段民营电视制作公司整体实力仍然十分弱小,急需一个合法的名分和民间资本的注入,但是民营电视制作公司 相似文献
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民营电视公司自诞生之日起,可谓命运多舛.在国家政策的高压和国有电视的歧视之下,一直未能自强、自立.追溯民营电视公司的发展历程,大体可划分得存、发展、调整三个阶段,且每一阶段均呈现出独特的特征. 相似文献
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我国的民营电视公司自诞生以来的十多年间,经历了曲折的发展,现在有一部分已经站稳了脚跟,但西北地区的民营电视公司却都还处于发展的困境之中。本文从电视产业的宏观政策、民营电视公司的运营模式及其产品特点等几个方面分析了民营电视公司尤其是西北地区的民营电视公司面临困境的主要原因,并针对这些问题提出了一些改进的建议。 相似文献
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民营电视面临的挑战及发展对策 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
耿蕊 《中国广播电视学刊》2005,(5):51-53
目前，我国的电视节目制作与发行主体，除了中央电视台下属和直属的节目制作发行公司以及各省级广电机构下属的节目制作和运营公司外，就是民间电视节目制作公司。民营电视．电视台．广告主．节目市场以及受众等因素共同构成了民营电视生存和发展的媒介前提和基础，这些因素在国际竞争环境和国内行业政策环境的推动与制约下互动演进．构成了我国民营电视的现实生态环境。在这个不断变化着的生存和发展环境下，如何认清形势．转变理念．面对竞争，发展自身，抓住机遇．壮大实力成为民营电视当前亟需解决的问题。 相似文献
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在我国,民营电视是一种并不正规的叫法,用来主要称呼那些没有节目播出渠道,特别是以民间资本为主体的电视节目制作公司。中国民营电视公司与国有电视公司相比,最大的优势就在于其灵活的市场意识和运营机制。因此,营销对中国民营电视公司有着特殊重要的意义。有一句业内行话:企业除了营销 相似文献
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中国电视改革实质上是一种制度的变迁与创新,而这一过程是以政府为主导的.中国民营电视产业的开放就在市场和法规政策两个方面齐头并进,相互推动的.本文从政府管理的视角,对中国民营电视产业发展的政策演变进行了梳理分期,并深入剖析了制度变迁给中国民营电视机遇与挑战. 相似文献
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对于民营传媒公司而言,2005年可谓爱恨交织、喜忧参半。喜的是进入新闻出版业的民营资本名份得以承认,利益得到保护。另外,在电视业,政府对外资节目制作的严格规制,使得民营传媒公司有三到五年的缓冲期,不会直面国外传媒集团巨大的竞争压力;忧的是法规的日益完善消除了政策死角,划定了民营传媒公司的经营边界,民营资本向传统的播出渠道的渗入已经没有可能。换言之,在传统的电视频道经营上,民营传媒公司没有腾挪的空间。于是,他们只好将业务拓展的方向转向以网络电视、付费电视、手机电视为代表的新媒体。民营传媒的运营边界2005年8月初,新华… 相似文献
9.
张阿利 《中国广播电视学刊》2004,(2):59-60,66
中国民营电视公司的发展已经经历了整整十年的艰辛与坎坷，继当年的北京嘉实广告文化发展有限公司之后，越来越多的民营电视制作机构如雨后春笋般出现，著名者有光线．银汉、唐龙、星美、英扬、其欣然、蓝道、长安等电视制作公司。尤其近几年来，民营电视机构的发展风头更劲，大有浮出水面，与国家主流电视制作机构竞相发展之 相似文献
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Using empirical measures, a pilot test of an investment model of commitment to television news quality yielded statistically significant results supporting four hypothesized relationships between types of broadcast station ownership. The findings indicate that the news department operated by a small media group produced more local news, more locally produced video, more use of on-air reporters, and fewer news promotions than the larger chain-based broadcast groups investigated, suggesting a deeper commitment to local news quality. The results support the policy position that stricter ownership limits would enhance the quality of local television news. 相似文献
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Farooq Sulehria 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(1):97-112
Mainstream discourses on the globalisation of media that delineate the emergence of privately owned television channels in the periphery country as evening out metropolitan domination are belied by concrete evidence. This essay argues that the rise of southern players has undermined state broadcasting rather than dismantling ‘media imperialism’. Based on two case studies, Pakistan Television (PTV) and Doordarshan (DD), this study demonstrates that the actual, if inadvertent, victim of globalisation has been state broadcasting and an associated developmentist model of television. As a result the decline of state-led television channels has radically transformed television systems in India and Pakistan. While DD and PTV view their audiences as citizens, the globalisation of media has resulted in a commodification of television audiences. Instead of public interest, audience maximisation has become the dominant logic of television systems in both these countries. In the process, developmentist television systems have been replaced by the commercially driven systems. 相似文献
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This research examines how television reported the campaign, parties, and candidates during the 1995 Legislative Election in Taiwan. Results of this study showed that state‐owned broadcast television stations were far more likely than privately owned cable television channels to give greater coverage to the ruling party and its candidates, to use ruling party officials as news sources, and to offer more news coverage favorable to the ruling party than to other parties. We conclude that cable television has become a force for balance in coverage, diluting a pervasive pro‐government party bias. The rise of cable television from virtual “outlaw” status to government‐licensed status appears to have responded to a more liberal society and made a contribution to the development of democracy, as have the expanded elections themselves. 相似文献
14.
Zaharom Nain 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):43-64
This paper identifies and evaluates Malaysia's television policy in a period of change. A period, that is, which sees the transnational media becoming more dominant and influential in this region. A period, on the other hand, which also sees Malaysia's policy makers arguing in the international arena for ‘Asian’ values and, domestically, for ‘Islamic’ values. By locating the development of Malaysian television and its contents within these wider proclamations of intent by the powers that be, this paper argues that while these declarations give the policy makers much political mileage and may help them ‘look good’ in the local and international arenas, in reality, all is not what it seems with Malaysian television. What this paper argues is that while the rhetoric of ‘Western media/ cultural imperialism’ is constantly evoked by the policy makers in Malaysia to imply that they are ‘Malaysianizing’ the medium of television, current practices and trends indicate that it is very much ‘business as usual’, with Malaysian television being led further and further into the international marketplace and the attendant pressures this entails. 相似文献
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This study examines US network television coverage of the 1980 Kwangju and 1989 Beijing‐Tiananmen Square incidents in relation to American policy towards those East Asian nations and the increasingly global impact of television on foreign policy. Both episodes involved pro‐democracy movements, imposition of military force, violence, and implications for US policy. While both were covered by television, Beijing became a global media event while Kwangju was accorded more perfunctory coverage. The study documents heavy reliance on official sources in coverage of both events, but greater attention to pro‐democracy demonstrators in Beijing as more ‘worthy’ victims than those in Kwangju. It also points to the difficulty language poses for Western news organizations in East Asia, and the tendency of television to serve as a reference point for all reporting. The hypothesis that media index their coverage according to mainstream government debate must take into account such factors when being tested in an era of global television. When television is less actively engaged in covering an event, as in Kwangju, policymakers have greater power to shape the public dialogue. A broad question for the future regards the evolution of institutions to promote civil versus statist discourse. 相似文献
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John W. Wright II 《Communication Studies》2013,64(3):266-277
The deregulation of television and resulting implications for programming and the public interest have been the focus of considerable debate. This study investigated perceptions of issues related to current policy, perceptions of the effectiveness of television in meeting informational needs, and whether perceptions have changed since deregulation. Significant differences were found between pre‐ and post‐deregulation attitudes toward policy‐related issues and the quantity of commercials on television. Perceptions of the amount of news broadcast, coverage of local issues, and the extent to which programming meets local needs revealed no significant change since deregulation. The results revealed strong public support for the requirement that broadcasters cover more than one side of controversial issues. 相似文献
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This eight-nation comparative study adopts a multi-modal analytical approach in investigating education driven stratification in political participation and the simultaneous roles of various media (print newspaper, television, radio, and social media) and press freedom in influencing this inequality. The findings suggest that informational use of social media, print newspaper, and radio increases the likelihood of participation, but consuming television news inhibits participation. Furthermore, social media use, like radio and television use, exacerbates education-generated inequality. Press freedom as a socio-political factor reinforces the role of the television, print newspaper, and social media in participation inequality. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed. 相似文献
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Allan Brown 《媒体管理杂志》2013,15(4):277-286
Abstract Australia and Finland provide contrasting case studies of the transition from analogue to digital terrestrial television transmission. The experiences of these two countries help identify the policy choices available to governments and provide lessons for other countries planning their digital terrestrial television systems. Overall, the digital policies adopted in Finland are much more liberal than those in Australia. The Australian experience serves to confirm the deficiency of the high definition model for digital television, and to indicate that a wider range of programming and services offers viewers a greater incentive to invest in digital reception equipment than high‐resolution picture quality. Shortcomings in policy decisions have resulted in problems for both countries since their launch of digital transmissions. There have been delays in the availability of some digital services, and the take‐up of digital equipment by viewers has been poor. The experiences of Australia and Finland suggest that the transition to digital terrestrial television broadcasting represents a situation of market failure and that governments may need to consider intervening in the market for digital reception equipment. ....... 相似文献
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Carolyn A. Lin Ph.D. 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(2):271-272
An exploratory content analysis examined 62 World Wide Web sites sponsored by English‐language commercial television stations in the United States. There was no relationship between the characteristics of station sites and either the degree of broadcast competition faced by the station or the extent of web sites operated by competing stations. 相似文献
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Congressional elections are crucial to the American political system and candidates spend millions of dollars seeking votes with television spots. Unfortunately, the literature in this area is a hodgepodge of studies (with different methods and samples) rather than a comprehensive analysis of congressional television advertising. This study utilized the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to content analyze 744 television spots for House and Senate candidates from 1980–2004. Candidate discourse in these spots employed acclaiming (positive) strategies much more frequently than attacking (negative) or defending (refutational) strategies. Unlike discourse in presidential campaigns, congressional TV spots tend to place equal emphasis on policy and character (although since 1992 the emphasis has been on policy). Democrats tend to attack more and to discuss policy more than their counterparts. Incumbents acclaimed more and attacked less than challengers, whereas open-seat candidates have a style that lies between these two extremes. Open-seat candidates discuss past deeds less frequently than incumbents or challengers, both of whom tend to rely on the incumbent's record to attack (challengers) or to acclaim (incumbents). 相似文献