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1.
This paper combines the persuasion knowledge model (PKM) and priming theory to investigate the effects of different appeal types in negative political ads on voters' cognitive responses and candidate responses, and explore the moderating effect of an important candidate-related variable: poll ranking. The results indicate that negative advertising based on rational appeals is more beneficial to candidates who lag in the polls. However, negative ads based on emotional appeals generate better responses from voters when used by poll leaders. These effects are observed regardless of whether the race is between an incumbent and a challenger or two challengers. 相似文献
2.
This experiment (N = 198), conducted just before the 2008 presidential election, set out to examine the effects of tone and sponsorship in current political advertising, the first such study since campaign law began requiring candidates to approve their ads explicitly. In another first, we also examined the role of reactance in responses to political advertising. With regard to tone, positive ads received higher ad evaluation and cognitive response valence scores and less reactance than negative ads, but negative ads led to a greater likelihood of turning out to vote. Moreover, those without a strong candidate preference were more likely to vote for a candidate supported by a negative ad. Sponsorship had little effect on its own, but there were some intriguing interactions with political knowledge such that high-knowledge respondents had less reactance and lower opponent ratings, whereas moderate-knowledge respondents had the opposite reaction. We also found that reactance appears to play a major role in the effects of political advertising. It was associated directly with more negative cognitive responses, ad, and candidate evaluations and indirectly with lower intention to vote for the candidate supported by the ad, but it had no relationship with intent to turn out to vote. 相似文献
3.
A statewide survey (N = 564) before Ohio's 2006 gubernatorial election examined political interest, campaign news and advertising attention, and perceived effects of negative political ads. Interest was related to political and negative political advertising attention, which were in turn related to campaign news attention. Candidate preference predicted attention to political and negative political ads; attention to ads significantly predicted perceived effects on self and on others, whereas attention to negative ads significantly predicted third-person differential (other minus self). In addition, individuals polled in this survey admitted that attention to ads and negative ads was having comparable effects on both themselves and others. This finding may be due to the climate surrounding Ohio's gubernatorial race, which instilled a political importance and social desirability that abated the need to disown an effect of negative advertising on oneself. 相似文献
4.
Abstract This study considers a model of a TV oligopoly where TV channels transmit advertising and viewers dislike such commercials. It is shown that advertisers make a lower profit the larger the number of TV channels. If TV channels are sufficiently close substitutes, there will be underprovision of advertising relative to social optimum. This study also finds that the more viewers dislike ads, the more likely it is that welfare is increasing in the number of advertising-financed TV channels. A publicly owned TV channel can partly correct market distortions, in some cases, by having a larger amount of advertising than private TV channels. It may even have advertising in cases where advertising is wasteful per se. 相似文献
5.
This study examined the use of narrative political advertisements during the 2014 midterm elections. A content analysis of 243 ads identified three narratives types: autobiographical, voter stories, and testimonials. Narrative ads were mostly positive and focused almost equally on issues and candidates’ characters. Negative attack ads and anonymous announcers were primarily used by candidates who lost the election, whereas winners employed more often autobiographical spots and included family members in the ads. The growing use of narratives in political advertising as found in the present study suggests that future research should further examine the effects of narrative political ads on individuals. 相似文献
6.
Juliana Fernandes 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(2):268-291
A great deal of televised political advertising is seen every electoral year. Expenditures on this type of political communication have reached the all-time high in the past elections. Clearly, political candidates believe that televised political advertising is an effective way to communicate with voters. This study investigates the effects of repetition of negative political ads on candidate evaluations. A pilot study shows situations in which repetition can both benefit and harm the evaluation of the sponsor of a negative political ad. The main study explores a factor that makes a negative political ad more effective, increasing positive reactions toward the sponsor and negative reactions toward the target of the ad. Implications of these results for society, attitudes, and learning are discussed. 相似文献
7.
Ad-financed TV channels are two-sided platforms where media houses provide communication from advertisers to viewers. Most media houses air several channels, some of which are particularly valuable to advertisers. At first glance, one might expect the ad volumes to be highest for the channels that are the advertisers' favorites. However, a crucial management challenge for media houses is to ensure that viewers go where the potential for raising advertising revenue is greatest. Because viewers dislike ads, we show that this implies that advertising volumes will be relatively low (and advertising prices relatively high) in such channels. Indeed, other things equal, the ad volume in a channel is inversely related to its attractiveness to the advertising market. Only if the costs of using alternative tools to attract viewers to the advertisers' favorite channels are sufficiently small will the advertising volume in channels with high demand for ads be larger than in channels with low demand for ads. 相似文献
8.
Congressional elections are crucial to the American political system and candidates spend millions of dollars seeking votes with television spots. Unfortunately, the literature in this area is a hodgepodge of studies (with different methods and samples) rather than a comprehensive analysis of congressional television advertising. This study utilized the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to content analyze 744 television spots for House and Senate candidates from 1980–2004. Candidate discourse in these spots employed acclaiming (positive) strategies much more frequently than attacking (negative) or defending (refutational) strategies. Unlike discourse in presidential campaigns, congressional TV spots tend to place equal emphasis on policy and character (although since 1992 the emphasis has been on policy). Democrats tend to attack more and to discuss policy more than their counterparts. Incumbents acclaimed more and attacked less than challengers, whereas open-seat candidates have a style that lies between these two extremes. Open-seat candidates discuss past deeds less frequently than incumbents or challengers, both of whom tend to rely on the incumbent's record to attack (challengers) or to acclaim (incumbents). 相似文献
9.
Sam W. Eiler 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(2):159-164
We read and hear a good deal these days about the proper role of federal agencies, Congress, and broadcasters themselves in properly controlling quantity and quality of television advertising in the U.S. There seems to be a fair amount of criticism expressed and implied by government officials, the general public, broadcasters, agencies and advertisers on the whole question of advertising regulation—suggesting most of these people are dissatisfied to some degree much of the time. An interesting comparative situation is found in Britain where the Independent Broadcasting Authority has followed a unique approach to these problems for a number of years—and apparently pleases most participants and the TV audience. In the following discussion, Mrs. Marting describes the IBA approach and deals with its possible applicability here. The author is completing the Ph.D. at Ohio State University after earlier earning a journalism MA at Alabama, and spending a number of years in public relations and advertising. 相似文献
10.
With a research design that combines a content analysis of the 1992 Television Political Party Advertising (TPPA) and a public opinion survey, this study not only examines the issue agendas of the two major political parties, the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in their political ads, but also investigates the match between the public agenda and the party issue agendas in the 1992 legislative election. In addition, the types of, and appeals and semantic frames in, the political ads were analysed. Study results showed that ‘single issue theory’ was reflected in the Taiwanese television political ads. Both the KMT and the DPP put emphasis on only just a few issues rather than a plethora of issues. The KMT agenda was found to match the public agenda better than did the DPP agenda. However, the DPP performed better than the KMT in terms of the campaign strategy of their political advertising. Like most incumbents, the KMT favoured positive ads and the DPP, like most opposition parties, favoured negative ads. But the DPP adroitly employed indirect attack in negative ads which helped avoid possible audience backfire. By contrast, the KMT ads failed to break free with past cliched ads. 相似文献
11.
Although many studies have investigated citizens' attitudes toward polls and the political consequences, there have been no studies examining the effects of social network site (SNS) users' opinion environments on their poll skepticism. Based on prior studies on poll skepticism, we examine the relationship between perceived SNS opinion environments, poll skepticism, perceived concerns over the negative influence of the polls, and voting intention in an upcoming election. Using the survey data of the 2012 South Korean General Election, this study found that if the published polls are against respondents' political position, their homophilous SNS opinion environments promote poll skepticism, and augmented poll skepticism leads to concerns over the negative influence of the polls on other voters, which in turn increases voting intention. 相似文献
12.
Based on a statewide telephone survey before the 2004 presidential election, this study probes Ohioans' attention to and perception of campaign advertising and the perceived effects of those negative political ads. Citizens in this “battleground” state had a very high level of awareness of campaign advertising, characterizing it as more negative than in the past. Self-reported attention to the campaign and measured use of local and national television news were related to perceived campaign negativity. Evidence of a third-person effect regarding a specific type of negative advertising was found. However, the effect was moderated by candidate choice. 相似文献
13.
Frank E. Dardis Ph.D. Fuyuan Shen Ph.D. Heidi Hatfield Edwards Ph.D. 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):24-42
Prior research has indicated that exposure to negative political advertising can foster among individuals feelings of alienation, distrust, and apathy toward government or the political process. However, investigation regarding the amount of exposure to such advertising and the form in which it is presented remains scant. This experimental study examined the impact of ad type (character based vs. issue based) and amount of advertising exposures on individuals' cynicism and perceived self-efficacy in relation to the government. Results indicated that issue-based attack ads aired during the 2004 presidential election led to greater cynicism and lower self-efficacy than did character-based attack ads. A significant interaction revealed that the difference on the self-efficacy measure was greatest at the highest exposure level, indicating that continual exposure to ads dealing with governmental policies may nurture the perception that the political process is overly complex, which subsequently can decrease individuals' beliefs that they can make a difference. 相似文献
14.
David Cullen 《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(2):287-288
Three pioneer radio rating services contributed to the development of basic audience measurement concepts, which have become part of a standardized ratings vocabulary. Archibald Crossley gave to radio and, later TV measurement, its most basic term, rating. Claude E. Hooper made Hooperatings a part of the nation's vocabulary and contributed the available audience base and the average minute rating. Arthur Nielsen Sr., designed the first probability sample. In the long term, Nielsen's most important innovation was his projectable ratings. As a result, Nielsen championed CPM theory, which tied advertising prices to audience size. Nielsen also was the first to provide a wealth of analytical detail, such as reach, frequency, and audience flow. 相似文献
15.
Stirling L. Huntley 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(3):259-262
That women are still stereotyped despite the continuing activism of the women's liberation movement is clearly demonstrated in the following study of a sample of early 1971 network TV ads. Focusing on the advertising viewed in millions of homes during prime‐time, the authors conclude that women are most often seen as decorative (sex objects) or useful (housewives and mothers), but hardly ever as professionals or working wives. Dr. Dominick is an assistant professor in the Department of Communication Arts and Sciences of Queens University while Miss Rauch is a recent graduate of that department. 相似文献
16.
在全国电视广告市场上,央视与省级卫视究竟处于何种竞争状态很大程度上取决于双方的竞争决策,本文引入经济学的市场结构理论对全国的电视广告市场进行了动态分析,根据省级卫视参与市场竞争的不同决策来建立不同的市场模型。 相似文献
17.
Advertising has an important role in the media industry. In a context where advertising generates a negative externality for viewers, this article analyzes the factors explaining ad prices in free TV empirically. This article also considers the participation of government-owned broadcasters in the Spanish market. This study finds that private ownership is associated with higher advertising prices. The results show a positive relation between audience size and ad price and a negative relation between ad price and advertising time. In addition, this study finds that higher prices are associated with the percentage of the population between 14 and 29 years old and the regional gross domestic product per capita in the broadcast area. 相似文献
18.
Chompunuch Punyapiroje & Margaret A. Morrison 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(3):318-336
This study investigates how Thai cultural values are expressed in advertising messages. Manifest cultural values in Thai TV commercials were compared with value clusters identified by S. Komin in Psychology of the Thai people: Values and behavioral patterns (1991). Findings suggest that values expressed in the advertisements differ somewhat from those important to Thai people. While commercials were most likely to emphasize ego, a value rated as important to Thai people, the ads also focused on fun and pleasure and achievement/task orientation which are of lesser importance to Thais. Similarly, advertisements focused on maintaining smooth and gratifying interpersonal relationships were downplayed, despite the fact that these values are important in Thai society. 相似文献
19.
Young children's limited ability to recognize and defend against commercial messages has led to numerous concerns about advertising that targets child‐viewers. Industry self‐regulation of child‐oriented advertising content is one response to those concerns. With the demise of the National Association of Broadcasters Code in 1982, guidelines maintained by the Children's Advertising Review Unit (CARU) of the National Council of Better Business Bureaus comprise the only industry‐wide self‐regulation. This study evaluates the extent of compliance with the CARU standards across a sample of over 10,000 ads directed to children. The results indicate a high overall rate of adherence to the guidelines. Two problem areas emerged which accounted for most of the violations observed: ads that featured premium offers, and ads for recorded telephone message services. The findings are discussed in terms of their implications for the child audience. 相似文献
20.
Guan Ru Chen 《Journal of Media Economics》2013,26(2):98-110
Due to the downward sloping demand curve, a retailer can use price promotions to induce store traffic. On the other hand, price promotions can bring negative effects that increase consumers' conditional risks over quality, so that the results expected by retailers may not be achieved. This study investigates whether manufacturer advertising can mitigate the negative effects caused by retailer price promotions. A rational expectation model shows that the relation between advertising and price promotions is not unidirectional. A threshold exists that can ensure whether an increase in advertising expenditures reduces negative effects from price promotions. When advertising coverage exceeds this threshold, an increase in advertising expenditures mitigates negative effects and makes price promotions an effective way to build store traffic. Below the threshold, an increase in advertising expenditures might aggravate the negative effects from price promotions and decrease price sensitivity. Accordingly, marketing practitioners can design product pricing decisions depending on whether advertising information crosses this threshold. 相似文献