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1.
This article seeks to explain political persuasion in relation to second screening—people’s use of a second screen (i.e., smartphone/laptop) while watching television to access further information or discuss TV programs. Employing a two-wave-panel survey in the United States, results show this emergent practice makes people more open to changing their political opinions, particularly among those who habitually use social media for news or frequently interact with others in social media contexts.  相似文献   

2.
Prior research has noted the increase of concurrent and dissenting opinions issued by the U.S. Supreme Court. It has been argued that the proliferation of concurrent and dissenting opinions is symptomatic of an “individualistic” style of judging. This paper seeks to answer the question of whether individualism has also become manifest among the sitting Justices on the Supreme Court. It is argued that the number of personal references in Court opinions offers a linguistic clue as to how the Justices see themselves and the Court as an institution. The key issue is whether the sitting Justices see the current Court (and themselves) as an institutional body or as a fractionalized collection of individuals. A content analysis of Court opinions offers some support that an individualistic style of judging has increased over time.  相似文献   

3.
This study compared newspaper frames of the 2013 Asiana Airlines crash in the three countries involved: the USA, Korea, and China. The results revealed distinct patterns of news coverage under the particular influence of national interests. The responsibility frame was the most frequently used, but the attribution of responsibility varied across the three countries. US newspapers overwhelmingly attributed the causation to pilot error, Korean media framed the causation as being open to multiple explanations, and Chinese newspapers were less likely to speculate about causation before the final official conclusion was reached. US and Korean media maintained a negative tone toward each other, while Chinese newspapers took a similar standpoint as the US media but were slightly less negative toward Korea. Further, divergence of news frames used across countries was associated with the different use of sources by different newspapers across countries. In particular, Korean media indicated reluctance to use US officials and a preference to cite alternative sources which offered diverse opinions regarding the attribution of responsibility. Finally, emotions of the crash stories varied by attributions of causation in Korean but not in the other countries’ news reports.  相似文献   

4.
This study sought to expand knowledge on instructional dissent by establishing the relationship between student attributions of instructor behavior (attribution theory) and their own communicative behavior following a difference of opinion with an instructor. Student participants (N = 244) completed survey questionnaires regarding their perceptions of instructor's internality for a perceived disagreement and their own communicative behavior following the incident (i.e., expressive, rhetorical, or vengeful dissent). Results indicate that students’ attributions of internality are positively related to all three forms of dissent.  相似文献   

5.
Ranging from enhanced media exposure to increased athlete mentions, to biased on-air dialogues, nationalism percolates within the mosaic of the Olympic media framework. This study incorporates the dialogue of 2 national telecasts (United States and China) of 5 sports to determine the degree to which the 2 athletic superpowers framed athletic performances using “us vs. them” dichotomies. Significant differences were uncovered within discourse taxonomical attributions, leading to a conclusion that the telecasts from these two nations described the same athletic performances in substantially different manners which were largely based on whether the athlete competed for the United States or China.  相似文献   

6.
This article explores how nine Swedish cultural editors and managers in mainstream media institutions define cultural journalism and its political dimensions during times of increased digitization and media convergence. Swedish cultural journalism is aesthetic and political critique applied to subject areas (music, literature, etc.) and contemporary societal and ethical issues. Drawing on Zelizer we ask whether there is a common interpretive community of cultural journalists in different media regarding: (1) how they define their scope, (2) how they understand “the political” in cultural journalism and its implications for democracy, and (3) how they view media convergence and digitalization. We find that although editors/managers from different media share a basic understanding of cultural journalism as an alternative perspective to news, “the political” in cultural journalism is approached differently in the press and the public service broadcast media. Furthermore, due in part to structural conditions, they also see the effects of digitization differently, forming sub-communities on two counts. This study thus contributes new knowledge to a field previously focused almost exclusively on newspapers.  相似文献   

7.
The Evangelical movement in the United States arose as an interpretive community in the late 19th century when the penny press permitted mass dissemination of shared media texts. Network radio in the early and mid-20th century then furnished an ecology for Evangelicals to share real-time media rituals and be socially integrated into a broadly coherent subculture. This study presents a new history of Evangelicalism organized around its media, following the movement through its three “waves.” In the present era, radio continues to sustain the subculture, even as Evangelicals have tactically “reread” their media texts in response to societal change.  相似文献   

8.
Between 1990 and 1995, a substantive reconfiguration took place within the publishing, communications, and mass media industries in the United States. These changes were triggered primarily by five pivotal developments: (1) the direct impact of strategic planning theories and practices on a relatively small number of U.S. and foreign media executives; (2) a dramatic technological convergence within the entire communications industry; (3) a quest to gain hegemony over the creation, production, and distribution of electronic and print information and entertainment products and services in the United States and the global marketplace; (4) a sharp increase in media usage and expenditures in the United States; and (5) the impending passage of a massive, revolutionary telecommunications bill. This legislation (the Telecommunications Act of 1996) changed drastically the ground rules created by the Communications Act of 1934, lifted restrictions on the ownership of media properties, allowed media companies to enter formerly forbidden markets, and reduced or eliminated governmental controls over the burgeoning communications business. The deeply etched lines separating “newspapers” from “books” and “magazines”, or “television” from “telephone”, “radio”, “film”, and “video” became hazy, and, in some instances, disappeared. Media scholars and industry experts realized that the communications landscape had to be viewed as a totally interconnected industry, albeit a rather diverse one.  相似文献   

9.
This is a multiple methods study that highlights the tension between awareness- and behavioral-based campaign successes, particularly when communicating using social media and pop-culture-referencing humor. To illustrate, it examines the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's (CDC) “zombie apocalypse” all-disaster-preparedness campaign. An interview with a CDC campaign manager, campaign document analysis, and a 2 (information form: social vs. traditional media) × 2 (message strategy: humorous vs. non-humorous) experiment uncovers benefits and pitfalls of using social media and humorous messaging for risk communication. Findings show social media can quickly spread information to new publics for minimal costs; however, experiment participants who received the humorous (i.e., zombie) risk message reported significantly weaker intentions to take protective actions in comparison to those who received the traditional, non-humorous risk message.  相似文献   

10.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):115-132
The propensity to believe information to be predominately truthful has been called the truth-bias (e.g., McCornack & Levine, 1990), although the lie-bias is the tendency to believe that information is mostly false. The purpose of the current study is to investigate the effect that timing of suspicion and outcome involvement has on biased message processing. A two-way interaction between timing of suspicion and outcome involvement is hypothesized. Specifically, suspicion induced prior to communication will make receivers more suspicious of the communicator and therefore encode more of their nonverbal cues as “suspicious” or “fishy.” This effect is predicted to be magnified in conditions of high outcome involvement. If receivers are already suspicious, and carefully scrutinizing the message, it will be likely that they will note more “fishy behaviors” and demonstrate a heightened lie-bias. In two studies, Participants (Ps) were asked to view videotaped segments of a confederate making true or false statements. The Ps were induced to feel suspicious before or after viewing the videotaped interview. They were also induced to perceive high or low levels of outcome involvement. Results of Study 1 indicated that timing of suspicion has little effect on biased processing, but perceived suspicion did influence biased processing. Results of Study 2 indicated that the timing of suspicion did influence the strength of the truth-bias but did not create a lie-bias. Both studies demonstrated the strong effect of perceived outcome involvement on honesty perceptions.  相似文献   

11.
The migration crisis of 2015 and 2016 was a litmus test for EU solidarity, when increasing numbers of newly arriving refugees fueled its public contestation. Our overall assumption is that the “refugee crisis” contributed to a solidarity gap between inclusive liberal-cosmopolitan and exclusive communitarian attitudes in the EU. We investigate this assumption by contrasting positions regarding solidarity with refugees among state and societal actors. We base our analysis on a fresh dataset of solidarity claims in the largest print newspapers in Denmark, Germany, Greece and Italy for the period of August 2015 – April 2016 coded in the TransSOL project. These four countries were affected differently by the “crisis” and differently attractive for refugees and asylum-seekers as arrival, destination or transit countries. Results suggest a solidarity gap between state actors and societal actors and a higher degree of solidarity contestation in countries with state actors strongly promoting exclusive notions of solidarity. Results speak to the discussion about media representations of migration as well as the contestation of solidarity as a fundamental value.  相似文献   

12.
Stasis∗     
《Communication monographs》2012,79(4):345-369

This research investigates retrospective participant accounts of a communication event in the development of close relationships—"Our First Big Fight” (FBF). The event is contextualized in terms of theories of relationship development, the role of conflict in development, and empirical studies of both turning points and critical events in close relationships. Open‐ended interviews were conducted with couples whose relationships had survived their FBF, couples who had not yet had an FBF, and individuals who had recently broken up with their relational partners as a result of their FBF. The data were analyzed through a procedure consistent with the grounded theory approach. Results indicate four conditions leading up to the FBF (uncertainty over commitment, jealousy, violation of expectations, personality differences), three effects of the FBF (clarification of feelings, awareness of interdependence, introduction of thematic conflict), and three differences between the “non‐survivors” and the “survivors” (increasing vs. decreasing uncertainty in the relationship, different beliefs regarding communication and conflict, differences in attributions regarding the FBF).  相似文献   

13.
This study investigates English-speaking media’s legitimation of smartphone uses by Syrian refugees to explore how “otherness” is negotiated through technologies. Qualitatively examining the media coverage of the Syrian refugees’ use of smartphones between early 2015 and early 2017, we identified rhetorical devices and narrative strategies. The findings indicated a gradual shift in mediated legitimation strategies. In this process, two major themes emerged: (1) strategies to legitimate uses of technology and (2) demystifying refugees. The first theme identified that media articles focused on refugees’ instrumental uses of smartphones over the emotional uses as a legitimation strategy, utilizing metaphors and referencing third parties. The second theme showed media coverage further debunked conflation over poverty and precarity while negotiating otherness. Over time, the media coverage started to fall into the “humanitarian imaginary” of refugees by keeping them at the margins as people who need aid, largely limiting their legitimated mobile phone use to pragmatic uses. The findings contribute to understanding how media coverage can shape the way people make sense of the refugee population at a moment in time of technological appropriation amid ongoing political crises.  相似文献   

14.
Due to the fact that mediated associations are a central aspect of many mass communication theories, their measurement is of central interest for communication research. Mediated associations are defined as the repeated pairing of an object (e.g., social group, political party) with specific attributes (e.g., crime, economy). In this article, we introduce a recently developed, automated text-analytic technique. We present an application of this method in the media stereotyping domain via the content analysis of German news coverage of Islam. As predicted, the analysis revealed substantial mediated associations between Islam-related concepts and violence (e.g., “Koran + violence”), terror (e.g., “Islam + terror”), dehumanization (e.g., “Muslims + animal-related terms”), and general negativity (valence). We discuss the promises and pitfalls of this method, make software suggestions, and provide application-related information for speedy dissemination in communication research.  相似文献   

15.
THE ACCESSIBILITY BIAS IN POLITICS: TELEVISION NEWS AND PUBLIC OPINION   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The influence of television news over public opinion is tracedto the ‘accessibility bias’ in processing information.In general, the argument stipulates that information that canbe more easily retrieved from memory tends to dominate judgments,opinions and decisions. In the area of public affairs, moreaccessible information is information that is more frequentlyof more recently conveyed by the media. Four different manifestationsor the accessibility bias in public opinion are described includingthe effects of news coverage on issue salience, evaluationsof presidential perfomance, attributions of issue responsibility,and voting choices.  相似文献   

16.
This study explored participants' perceptions of instructor use of positive slang (e.g., “cool,” “awesome,” “sweet”) and its perceived impact on the classroom environment and teacher's credibility, as well as the rules governing its usage. Participants viewed a video of a positive slang-using teacher and then responded to several open-ended survey questions. The results demonstrate that students generally appreciate teacher use of positive slang and cite the potential benefits of its usage. Implications of teacher use of positive slang are discussed.  相似文献   

17.
Although adoptees are often stigmatized for their nonnormative identity, adopted individuals must communicate with nonfamily members to integrate their adoptive identity into their definition of self. In the current study, adult adoptees (n = 25) were interviewed about their processes for disclosing their adoptive status in their social networks. Drawing upon communication privacy management (CPM) theory, inductive analyses demonstrated that adoptees created motivational and contextual criteria to enact privacy rules surrounding adoption. Adoptees maintained privacy to avoid messages of “difference,” insensitive comments, imperviousness, and negative opinions about adoption. Adoptees disclosed about their adoption to build relational closeness and to educate/advocate for adoption. These privacy decisions were undergirded by the societal assumption that families are biologically linked or the discourse of biological normativity (Suter et al., 2014).  相似文献   

18.
Extant U.S. research shows that when a persuader’s initial message is rebuffed, the next requesting message will tend to be ruder and more aggressive than the initial appeal. The robustness of these results has rarely been tested cross-culturally. Using conversational constraints theory, we further explicate implicit theories by investigating the perceived importance of constraints of re-requesting styles across two cultural-linguistic groups (i.e., Korean and American English speakers). Consistent with the “rebuff phenomenon,” results revealed that people rated the task constraint (“clarity”) as significantly more important, and the three face-related constraints (“concern for the other’s feelings,” “minimizing imposition,” and “avoiding negative evaluation”) as significantly less important for the second-attempt requesting than for the initial requesting. Some of these tendencies were more pronounced among American English speakers than among Korean speakers.  相似文献   

19.
To achieve “deliberative democracy,” Gabriel Tarde's formula not only demands the press hold a nation together, but also offers an agenda of issues that serves as a kind of menu for discussions in cafés and salons, which leads, in turn, to more considered opinions, and thus provides the consensual valuations that inform political, economic and aesthetic actions. The elements of the formula consist of press, conversation, opinion, and action. I argue that the long-run effect of the mainstream media—the newspaper, but even more the radio and television— moved politics off the street and into the home, hence the concern over “the narcotizing dysfunction” of the news media. In the era of the Internet, I argue that media—old or new, mass or social—are far from being the whole of the story. It is some combination of these media, plus word of mouth, plus some rather well-known elements of social-movement theory, plus the social psychology of collective behavior that help to explain. But let us not lose sight of the different functions served by the different media. If the mass media—newspapers, radio, and television—may be said to have moved people “inside,” the social media, so called, serve to mobilize, and may bring them “outside,” again.  相似文献   

20.
This article introduces a theoretical typology of four rival yet converging ideal types of cultural critics in contemporary media culture and in cultural journalism, more specifically, encapsulated by the term the heterogeneous cultural critic and characterized by different kinds of authority and expertise: (1) the intellectual cultural critic, who is closely connected to an aesthetic tradition, bohemia and/or academia, or institutionalized cultural capital; (2) the professional cultural journalist, who is first and foremost embedded in a media professional logic; (3) the media-made arbiter of taste, whose authority is closely linked to practical experience with cultural production and repeated charismatic media performances; and (4) the everyday amateur expert, who offers subjective opinions and represents experience-based cultural taste. The aim is to provide an analytical minimum model for future empirical studies by outlining the contours of the multiple, objective and subjective, professional and non-professional cultural “authorities” of contemporary media culture.  相似文献   

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