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【摘要】“文人论政”是近代中国报刊史上的一个显著特征,也是中国新闻舆论监督的启蒙。本文试从分析“文人论政”的定义及缘何消逝、“新闻舆论监督”的内容及现状入手,针对现在我国新闻舆论监督存在的问题,旨在从“文人论政”的精华中发现对我国新闻舆论监督的借鉴意义。 相似文献
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王韬是中国近代新闻史上的开山人物,他在实践中逐步形成了自己的自由主义新闻思想体系和理论体系,其核心内容主要体现在办报立言、言论自由、民本思想、文人论政等四个方面。他的自由主义新闻思想影响了后来的一大批人,但不可否认,其思想也带有一定的时代局限性。 相似文献
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王韬自由主义新闻思想探析 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
王韬是中国近代新闻史上的开山人物,他在实践中逐步形成了自己的自由主义新闻思想体系和理论体系,其核心内容主要体现在办报立言、言论自由、民本思想、文人论政等四个方面。他的自由主义新闻思想影响了后来的一大批人,但不可否认,其思想也带有一定的时代局限性。 相似文献
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王韬是中国近代新闻史上的开山人物,他在实践中逐步形成了自己的自由主义新闻思想体系和理论体系,其核心内容主要体现在办报立言、言论自由、民本思想、文人论政等四个方面。他的自由主义新闻思想影响了后来的一大批人,但不可否认,其思想也带有一定的时代局限性。 相似文献
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中国的士子阶层,自古以来就有清议的传统。自鸦片战争以后,随着山河的破碎,传统的封建文化秩序也遭到了严重破坏,原本处于话语权中心位置的士子阶层身份急剧转变。在中西思潮不断冲击交汇的过程中,＂开民智＂又成为中国文人这一知识分子阶层的历史使命,因此＂文人论政＂也就随之成为近代新闻报人的最大特色之一。本文梳理了近十年间学界对于＂文人论政＂这一新闻思想的研究成果,并在此基础上采用了布迪厄的场域综论作为切入角度,探讨了近代新闻场中的＂文人论政＂幻象。 相似文献
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徘徊在“议政”与“参政”之间——储安平“文人论政”理想的矛盾及破灭 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
储安平的《观察》是他新闻活动的最高峰,也是中国“文人论政”的历史绝响。本次研究试图将储安平个人与时代结合起来深层次探究其“文人论政”的缘起,并将他的新闻活动贯穿起来,从总体上揭示其“文人论政”的理想是如何不可避免地走向幻灭的。 相似文献
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本文主要梳理了中国报人的文人论政精神与西方新闻专业主义在中国融合践行的历史脉络,指出两者在历史演进中的区隔与认同;认为扎根于中国的历史传统思考现实问题,是更具合理性和可操作性的路径,当下中国的新闻业正处于转型时期,新闻工作者的职业信仰面临多重考验,廓清中国报人的历史传统以及西方新闻专业主义对中国报人的影响,对于夯实和发展我国主流新闻观、树立新时期职业信仰有着重要的参考价值. 相似文献
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美国新闻界对世界的影响 ,正像美国在科学技术领域处于世界先锋一样 ,没有谁能与之问鼎。然而 ,《新闻的要素》著者认为 ,新闻人最感荣耀的“独立、真实、客观、公正”等信条正在美国遭到亵渎 ,人类克服意识饥饿的食物链也被空前污染 ,一些正直的记者忧心如焚。今天的新闻界像今天的世界一样 ,正在发生令人无法预测的空前变动 ,无论西方还是东方 ,新闻以及社会制度正在落后于新兴的生产力和新的社会关系 ,集权的或过度商业化的媒介体制都在啃噬着新闻传播的健康机制 相似文献
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王韬与富兰克林的报刊活动,首先基于谋生获利的需要,因此,他们的报刊实践有其商业逻辑。但由于不同的社会场域,王韬办报有其干预政治的现实考量,富兰克林则力图在商业与政治之间保持微妙的平衡,这也是中美早期新闻业的基本写照。以此为出发点,本文试图从源头上分析,中国的新闻业缘何素来与政治亦步亦趋,而美国的新闻传统虽然诸多反复,但商业化作为一个基本的线索始终存在。 相似文献
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Andrew Rojecki 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):152-171
Post-cold war theories of the press and foreign policy have noted a new, less consistent relationship between political and media elites. Political communication scholars have developed three general models in response, but these do not seem to map well to press coverage of the anti-globalization movement that has emerged in recent years. This paper argues for a new theory of the press and oppositional politics in an environment that has altered the equilibrium between media, political elites, and interest groups. The new political environment results from three principal causes: the erosion of state sovereignty over the political economy, the elimination of the Soviet system as a rhetorical resource for movement critics, and new information technologies that alter movement structure and thus increase its resilience. Analysis of two streams of media content, news and editorial, on the protests at the 1999 meetings of the World Trade Organization reveals an anomalous reversal for received theories of media and elite power in the way the mainstream press covers movement politics. 相似文献
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Mattias Ekman 《Journalism Practice》2015,9(1):78-91
The emergence of social media raises new questions concerning the relationship between journalists and politicians and between news media and politics. The increasingly complex media milieu, in which the boundaries between media producers and audiences become partly dissolved, calls for new theoretical approaches in the study of journalism. This article reassesses central theoretical arguments about the relationship between journalism, sources, politics and democracy. Drawing on a pilot study of the printed press, it explores the increased social media use among politicians in Sweden and its implications for political journalism. The article suggests that power relations between journalism and politics can be fruitfully explored from the perspective of mediatized interdependency, a perspective that acknowledges that journalists and politicians have become both actors and sources through mutual interaction in online spaces. Furthermore, it argues that social media use has expanded journalism's interest in the private life of politicians, thereby contributing to a de-politicization of politics. 相似文献
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《Journalism Practice》2013,7(6):871-886
Concern has been raised about the rising influence of public relations on scientific news coverage and the potential role of institutional sources in shaping news reports. This study uses quantitative content analysis and qualitative interviews to explore the influence of public relations activities on newspaper coverage of “superfoods” and, in particular, to explore the transparency of reporting of the sources of research funding. Superfoods were chosen as a case study because the term is applied to a wide range of foods with potential health benefits (e.g. foods high in antioxidants). Furthermore, foods labelled as “superfoods” have seen sharp increases in sales, suggesting a potential commercial incentive for such labelling. Analysis of a sample of news articles reporting superfoods revealed a considerable influence for media releases in shaping the content of reports, while less than a third of reports discussing research studies funded by organisations with a commercial interest in the findings mentioned the funding sources. Qualitative interviews confirmed the role of press offices in promoting research, particularly from scientific conferences, and suggest that scientific societies are applying less stringent criteria to studies selected for publication than in the past. 相似文献
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中国2008年新闻政策的变化主要是:推进政府信息公开建设;对传统媒体实行管理与开放并重的新闻政策;对以网络为代表的新媒体给予高度重视和扶持,同时适应国际社会对版权保护的要求,加强版权管理;保障外国媒体和记者采访自由和信息传播自由。 相似文献
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Chiung‐Wen Hsu 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):79-99
This study examines news reports of the US September 11 incidents in the Chinese and Taiwanese press. In the Chinese press, the party newspaper (People's Daily) and the new mass‐appeal tabloid (Nanfang Daily) were studied. In the Taiwanese press, the traditional top circulation newspaper (United Daily) and the emerging pro‐Taiwan independent newspaper (Liberty Times) were chosen. Based upon a content analysis of news reports, supplemented with Chinese and Taiwanese government documents, the study found that the Chinese and Taiwanese press tended to report the incident along with the government stances and each represented its own side even after the economic reform and ruling party shift. However, the mass‐appeal tabloid in China moved slightly toward the pattern found in capitalist countries, without violating the government policy severely. The pro‐Taiwan independent newspaper showed more loyalty to the ruling party, but both Taiwanese newspapers covered diverse topics apart from the government stance. To what degree did the press follow the government stances? This study provided the preliminary answer that business interests might influence the press not to follow completely the government stances. 相似文献
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Jane Chapman 《Media History》2015,21(3):238-251
Within the cut-throat world of newspaper advertising the newspapers of Britain's Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) Votes for Women and the Suffragette managed to achieve a balance that has often proved to be an impossible challenge for social movement press—namely the maintenance of a highly political stance whilst simultaneously exploiting the market system with advertising and merchandising. When the militant papers advocated window smashing of West End stores in 1912–1913, the companies who were the target still took advertisements. Why? What was the relationship between news values, militant violence and advertising income? ‘Do-it-yourself’ journalism operated within a context of ethical consumerism and promotionally orientated militancy. This resulted in newspaper connections between politics, commerce and a distinct market profile, evident in the customisation of advertising, retailer dialogue with militants and longer-term loyalty—symptomatic of a wider trend towards newspaper commercialism during this period. 相似文献
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在中国传统社会中,占主流地位的中国文人阶层与图书有着密切的关系.本文探讨了阅读成为中国文人生活时尚的原因,指出随着科举考试的废除和文人阶层的瓦解,与之相关的文人的阅读生活时尚也逐渐式微,代之而起的是,阅读成为大众生活时尚的一个必不可少的组成部分. 相似文献