共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 359 毫秒
1.
Jih-Hsuan Lin 《亚洲交流杂志》2016,26(3):278-297
This study collected data before and after the 2012 Taiwanese presidential election to examine active and passive Facebook (FB) participation on subsequent attitudinal and behavioral outcomes. Based on the differential gains model, the results showed that active engagement in FB political activities before the election directly affected offline political participation after the election. However, this direct effect occurred for first-time voters (20–24 years old) but not for the 25 and older generation. Passive exposure to politically related FB activities before the election indirectly affected offline political participation after the election and voting behavior through perceptions of FB use on political engagement. These indirect effects occurred in both first-time voters and in the rest of the voters. The results extend the differential gains model to social network sites (SNSs) and suggest that FB participation is another form of political participation among the younger generation that may serve as a gateway to motivate first-time voters to become more engaged in political participation. In addition to active discussion, passive exposure to politically related activities within FB networks indirectly contributes to voting and offline participation, expanding the current differential gains model. 相似文献
2.
Chang Sup Park 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2015,59(4):698-716
This study assesses differences in use of social networking sites (SNSs) and relates them to different patterns of political participation, media use motivations, and political efficacy. Based on a Web survey of 1,230 South Korean voters, it finds that informational uses of SNSs are positively associated with expressive participation both online and offline, but not with collective participation. The use of SNSs for social interaction purposes was associated only with online expressive participation. Recreational uses had a negative or insignificant relationship with expressive and collective participation. Political efficacy moderated the impact of social interaction uses of SNSs on expressive participation both online and offline. The findings suggest that the political impact of SNSs is mostly limited to expressive participation and dependent upon users' motivations. 相似文献
3.
Political communication researchers have shown that social network site (SNS) use and online network characteristics can impinge on people’s political attitudes and behavior. Nevertheless, individual SNSs have varying site architecture, basic design features, and functionalities, which may influence usage and online network characteristics. This study thus examines whether site architecture matters for understanding the political implications of SNSs. Specifically, this article conceptualizes the distinction between public-oriented and private-oriented SNSs. It contends that the two types of SNSs would have varying impact on political behavior through the kinds of online networks that they tend to sustain. Analysis of a survey of university students in Guangzhou, China (N?=?897), shows that respondents using public-oriented SNSs tended to have a relatively more ‘public’ online network – larger, involving more strangers, and with more connections to public actors. Some of these network characteristics in turn affected political discussion behavior. The analysis thus demonstrates how SNS architecture can indirectly impinge on individual-level political outcomes. 相似文献
4.
This study explicates the indirect process through which news media use influences political participation. Specifically, it investigates the role of political knowledge and efficacy as mediators between communication and online/offline political participation within the framework of an O-S-R-O-R (Orientation-Stimulus-Reasoning-Orientation-Response) model of communication effects. Results from structural equation modeling analysis support the idea that political knowledge and efficacy function as significant mediators. In addition, results expound the increasing importance of the Internet in facilitating political participation. Implications of findings, limitations of this study, and suggestions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
5.
News use and political discussion are often studied as important factors in understanding the effects of political efficacy on participation. However, measurements of external efficacy often blur distinctions between personal ability and government responsiveness. This study establishes a measure for perceptions of competence in the institutions of democratic government—government efficacy (GE). Drawing on panel survey data from the United States, confirmatory factor analysis introduces GE as a unique construct. Political efficacy dimensions are tested for their impact on news consumption, discussion, and political participation. Results add to the extant literature revolving the role of political efficacy on news use, discussion, and participation. 相似文献
6.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(3):303-332
The study of political mass communication information outlet effects has been dominated by two types of studies, those which focus on a single outlet and those which look at the comparative influence of multiple outlets. The current study seeks to advance a third study type by offering a theory of political campaign media connectedness. Three axioms are offered in this work. In addition, a series of hypotheses involving five political communication campaign information outlets (conservative political talk radio, FOX cable TV news, daily newspapers, national network TV news, debate viewing) are posited. This work emphasizes the need to understand how various information outlets function in coordination with one another to produce a potentially diverse set of direct and indirect political campaign media effects. Future lines of theoretical inquiry and empirical research are outlined. 相似文献
7.
Adopting the Orientation–Stimuli–Reasoning–Orientation–Response (O–S–R–O–R) model of political communication effects, this study examines the mediating roles of online/offline political discussion and political trust on the relationship between social media information seeking and online/offline political participation in China and Hong Kong. Findings through structural equation modeling showed that the relationship between information seeking and online participation was mediated by online discussion for both samples. Moreover, the relationship between information seeking and offline participation was mediated by offline discussion, and offline discussion mediated the relationship between information seeking and online participation. Political trust did not mediate any of the relationships in China and Hong Kong and all significant paths involving political trust were negative. Implications of the findings for youth political participation in China and Hong Kong are discussed. 相似文献
8.
Yung-I Liu Fei Shen William P. Eveland Jr. Ivan Dylko 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(5):713-737
Research has examined the relationship between traditional news media use and normatively important political outcomes such as knowledge and participation. However, most research fails to account for variations in the nature of news over time and across communities that could alter the fundamental relationship between exposure and these outcomes. Here two studies are presented—one with variation in news characteristics over time based on the American National Election Studies time series data and another with variation across local communities and newspapers within a single state during a single election year—to assess the hypothesis that the relationship between news use and political outcomes are moderated by natural variations in the nature of the news content and news outlets. 相似文献
9.
Jörg Haßler 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):326-341
One aspect of the mediatization of politics is the idea that political actors adapt to the communication logic of news media to gain, for example, news media attention. Currently, this process may be influenced by the diffusion of the internet as a political communication channel, especially because online communication provides a new opportunity for political actors to communicate directly with citizens. Thus far, the adaptation to media logic by political parties has mainly been examined in the context of election campaigns. In order to transfer these findings to regular political communication, this study compares the use of media logic in the mass media and in direct political communication channels online and offline about the United Nations Climate Change Conferences 2011 and 2012. A quantitative content analysis of the conference protocols (input) and the presentation of the conference results in the seven most frequently used German offline news outlets (print and TV) and their online counterparts, as well as political offline and online communication channels like parliamentary speeches and websites of the six parties represented in the German parliament (output), was conducted. Results show that in the context of regular political communication, political actors seem to follow media logic to a lesser extent than in the context of election campaigns. Thus far, the influence of online communication on the mediatization of politics seems to be rather marginal. The causes and consequences of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
10.
Employing original survey data, this study examined how mobile phone communication is associated with political participation. Findings revealed that informational use of mobile phone and mobile-based political talk are positively associated with political participation. Specifically, using a mobile smartphone for news and information leads to increased levels of political participation through mobile-mediated political discussion. More importantly, we found gaps in political participation between individuals with higher and lower education levels: education significantly moderates the mediating relationship, with more educated individuals showing a stronger effect of mobile phone use for news/information on political participation through mobile-mediated political discussion. 相似文献
11.
More recently, many scholars have lamented the decline of social capital, civic and political participation in American society. This study attempts to clarify the concept of social capital and its major components. We differentiate two dimensions of social capital: trust and social connectedness. In addition, we investigate the differential effects of a full range of media use on civic and political participation. Analysis of data from a telephone survey in Clarksville, Tennessee in 2002 showed that people's social connectedness enhances both civic and political participation. Time spent in reading newspaper and watching public affairs on television was positively correlated with political participation whereas frequency of Internet use and entertainment TV viewing was not. The results also showed no correlation between media use and civic participation. Implications of the findings for future research on democratic citizenship were discussed. 相似文献
12.
Although a growing number of studies are examining the relationship between Internet use and political participation, varying study characteristics make the overall effect size difficult to estimate. Using a meta-analysis, we estimated the mean effect size and tested whether the effect size was influenced by study characteristics. Data for this meta-analysis were derived from 56 papers reporting 63 independent studies. Results revealed that Internet use had a weak relationship with political participation (rc?=?.22). Moderator analyses demonstrated that type of Internet use, Internet use measure, Internet use for news, type of political participation, sample origin, and survey year significantly moderated the relationship between Internet use and political participation. For instance, Internet use including news (rc?=?.27) had a significantly stronger relationship with political participation than did Internet use excluding news (rc?=?.19). European samples (rc?=?.27) had the largest mean correlation followed by North American samples (rc?=?.23) and Asian samples (rc?=?.18) in decreasing order of strength of relationship. The theoretical and methodological implications of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
13.
Little is known about how public sector organisations capitalise on the potential of social networking sites (SNSs) as communication channels. Previous research is short on theoretical models and managerial insights into the success of local governments' online communication strategies. The purpose of this study is to explore how successfully local governments utilise SNSs for managing their external communication with citizens. Using a multi-method analysis of 15,941 posts and 19,290 comments on the Facebook pages of the 25 largest German cities, we make five contributions to research and practice. First, we analyse the properties and topics of government posts to draw a rich picture of how local governments use Facebook as a communications channel. Second, we conceptualise success in governments' online communications in terms of the frequency and polarity of citizens' reactions, which we use for third, evaluating government communication behaviour in SNSs. Fourth, we identify which benefits SNSs offer that traditional communication channels do not provide. Fifth, we offer guidelines for improving the online communication strategies of local governments using SNSs. 相似文献
14.
Yonghwan Kim 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2017,61(4):658-681
Using cross-sectional data from the 2008 National Annenberg Election Survey, this study tests 2 models that explicate the relationship between politically likeminded media use and political polarization and participation. The knowledge model suggests that the effects of exposure to likeminded media on individuals’ attitudinal polarization and political participation are mediated by knowledge of candidate issue stances. The belief model proposes that likeminded media use indirectly influences political polarization and participation via political beliefs. The results provide evidence that individuals’ beliefs mediate the influence of likeminded media consumption on attitudinal polarization and participation, but there was no support for the knowledge model. These findings indicate that individuals who consume politically likeminded news tend to develop polarized attitudes and are motivated to participate in political activities by forming biased beliefs associated with candidates rather than by gaining factual issue knowledge. 相似文献
15.
Alberto Ardèvol-Abreu Matthew Barnidge Homero Gil de Zúñiga 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(2):169-191
Although much attention has been paid to how media use and interpersonal discussion motivate people to engage in political persuasion, and despite recent efforts to study the role of digital media technologies, less is known about the creation of news and public affairs content online. This study sheds light on how online content creation works alongside other communicative behaviors, such as news use and political discussion, to affect attempted political persuasion. Using two-wave panel survey data, we find that political discussion and citizen news creation mediate the relationships between online and traditional news use, on one hand, and attempted persuasion, on the other. Furthermore, strength of partisanship moderates the relationship between content creation and attempted persuasion. Findings are discussed in light of their implications for the political communication and public sphere processes. 相似文献
16.
Adults who are 65 years or older have increasingly adopted social network sites (SNSs), Facebook in particular. Yet the ramifications of SNS use in this population remain understudied. Using a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults (N = 2,003), this study focuses on Facebook users (N = 1,138) and examines patterns of Facebook use by younger (aged 18–65 years) and older users (aged 65 or older), as well as the social benefits associated with older users’ Facebook use. Findings show that older users have different network structures, but the frequency of their visits and engagement in Social Media Relationship Maintenance Behaviors (SMRMB), a measure of perceived likelihood to engage with others via social media, do not significantly differ from those of younger users. Moreover, our results suggest that among older users (N = 98), the number of self-reported “actual” friends on Facebook and SMRMB positively predict perceived support, while SMRMB contributes to perceptions of access to useful information. Overall, the study highlights unique usage patterns and social benefits associated with Facebook use among older adults. As such, its findings provide insights for the future design of technological interventions to help older adults better access social benefits associated with SNS use. 相似文献
17.
Lars Willnat W. Joann Wong Ezhar Tamam Annette Aw 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(4):557-585
This study is based on a survey of 526 adult Malaysians who were interviewed shortly before the 2008 national election about online media use, levels of political participation, and voting intentions. The goal was to document the role of online media in a society that controls political information in traditional media and, in turn, compels citizens to seek alternative news sources online. As predicted, the findings indicated that online media use was positively associated with higher levels of political participation among Malaysian voters. The use of and exposure to social networking sites, political blogs, political online videos, party websites, and political ads on cell phones showed strong associations with political activism. However, the use of political online media did not predict voters’ likelihood of voting. 相似文献
18.
Michael W. Kearney 《Communication Research Reports》2017,34(2):106-114
Many have noted the immense potential of social media as a catalyst for political engagement. While we know a great deal about the people who use social media for politics, and even why they do it, we know very little about when, or under what conditions, political uses of social media actually occur. In this article I extend interpersonal goals theory to examine when political social media use happens. Results suggest that, above and beyond cognitive political engagement, interpersonal goals contribute significantly in explaining political behaviors on Facebook. I find that political posts entail greater affective and interaction-related risks than following political pages or updating one’s profile, while “liking” political posts affords users a low-cost/low-reward strategy for managing interactions. As such, this study provides evidence that political expression on Facebook takes several distinct forms. 相似文献
19.
Weiyu Zhang 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(5):474-492
This article utilizes two national representative surveys to examine the roles of political news use, political discussion, and authoritarian orientation in shaping political participation in two democratizing societies: Singapore and Taiwan. The regression findings show that in both societies, the effects of political news use and political discussion have to be conditioned on the type of political participation as well as the nature of the political system. Both mass and interpersonal communications are confirmed to positively influence contact and campaign participation, to different degrees depending upon the political system. Interaction effects between the two communication variables are seen as well. The authoritarian orientation is found to mainly interact with communication factors to shape political participation. Implications regarding communication influences on political participation in societies where authoritarianism is evident are discussed. 相似文献
20.
Engaging the Social News User 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Sanne Hille 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(5):563-572
One of the most common formats of audience participation in journalism consists of online reader comments in response to articles, weblogs, or online television and radio broadcasts. While initially the audience only commented on media platforms themselves, Facebook made it possible to outsource commenting to a third-party platform. The options users have, the rules commenters are obliged to follow, and the moderation regime they confront, could influence the quantity and quality of comments. In this study, we explore how news media deal with audience comments on Facebook and their own news site, and how this influences the quality and quantity of comments. We compared comments on news platforms and Facebook of 62 Dutch national and regional newspapers, public and commercial broadcasters, newsweeklies, national news programmes, and online news sites. Subsequently, we analysed the content of the comments with the qualitative text analysis tool MAXQDA. The results indicate that news media prefer outsourcing comments to Facebook although commenting on their own platforms is still possible. By discouraging anonymous responses, the quality of comments improved but above all the quantity of comments decreased after outsourcing comments to Facebook. 相似文献