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1.
《Government Information Quarterly》2021,38(4):101598
The literature dealing with undecided voters – a growing group of citizens in many democracies that can determine who wins in election campaigns – suggests two very different profiles. The first approach describes undecided voters as being generally uninformed about politics, while the second sees undecideds as sophisticated citizens who follow a campaign closely before making their final voting decision. The current study tries to make sense of this contrast, while examining differences between sophisticated and less sophisticated undecideds (their level of sophistication was based on their political interest and knowledge). Using two panel surveys, conducted before and after the April 2019 elections in Israel (N = 1427; N = 912), we examine a number of hypotheses about differences in terms of the undecided citizens' demographic backgrounds, how they search for political information during the election campaign, how they come to make their final decisions, and whether they ended up voting. The findings indicate that the typical sophisticated undecided voter is a citizen from a more privileged social background, exhibits greater trust in traditional media, consumes more news to follow the campaign (from various traditional news outlets and social media), is more likely to carry out online discussions about the elections, is more likely to base his or her decision on policy issues, is more likely to debate between parties within the same ideological camp (internal floater), and more likely to vote than less sophisticated undecided voters. Our typology, which makes a distinction between sophisticated and less sophisticated undecided voters, as well as these findings (and the comparison to the committed voters), can help political scientists and practitioners widen their understanding regarding this important group of voters in todays' complex political reality. 相似文献
2.
A random telephone survey (N=582) of Washington state voters conducted in November 1994 examines relationships among mass media use, specific aspects of political disaffection, political efficacy and participation. Results suggest that negativism toward media campaign coverage reduces media use and that cynicism toward the political system reduces political efficacy. Negativism and media use also are negatively related to cynicism. Contrary to concerns expressed by some scholars and journalists concerning the negative impact of superficial media coverage on political participation, however, mass media use positively predicts voting behavior. In addition, negativism toward campaign tactics appears unrelated to political participation. 相似文献
3.
Chang Sup Park 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2015,59(4):698-716
This study assesses differences in use of social networking sites (SNSs) and relates them to different patterns of political participation, media use motivations, and political efficacy. Based on a Web survey of 1,230 South Korean voters, it finds that informational uses of SNSs are positively associated with expressive participation both online and offline, but not with collective participation. The use of SNSs for social interaction purposes was associated only with online expressive participation. Recreational uses had a negative or insignificant relationship with expressive and collective participation. Political efficacy moderated the impact of social interaction uses of SNSs on expressive participation both online and offline. The findings suggest that the political impact of SNSs is mostly limited to expressive participation and dependent upon users' motivations. 相似文献
4.
Jih-Hsuan Lin 《亚洲交流杂志》2016,26(3):278-297
This study collected data before and after the 2012 Taiwanese presidential election to examine active and passive Facebook (FB) participation on subsequent attitudinal and behavioral outcomes. Based on the differential gains model, the results showed that active engagement in FB political activities before the election directly affected offline political participation after the election. However, this direct effect occurred for first-time voters (20–24 years old) but not for the 25 and older generation. Passive exposure to politically related FB activities before the election indirectly affected offline political participation after the election and voting behavior through perceptions of FB use on political engagement. These indirect effects occurred in both first-time voters and in the rest of the voters. The results extend the differential gains model to social network sites (SNSs) and suggest that FB participation is another form of political participation among the younger generation that may serve as a gateway to motivate first-time voters to become more engaged in political participation. In addition to active discussion, passive exposure to politically related activities within FB networks indirectly contributes to voting and offline participation, expanding the current differential gains model. 相似文献
5.
Popular narratives assume that digital media play a central role mobilizing voters and especially young adults. Based on unique survey data of a diverse group or young adults from Spring, 2009, we consider the relationship between differentiated internet uses, and online and offline political engagement around the time of the 2008 U.S. presidential election. Thanks to our rich data set, we are able to consider both online and offline activities while taking into consideration more traditional measures. Our findings suggest that online forms of political engagement complement offline engagement. The pathways to young adults' political participation remain relatively stable. We also find an association between Internet skills, social network site usage and greater levels of engagement. These findings imply that although Internet usage alone is unlikely to transform existing patterns in political participation radically, it may facilitate the creation of new pathways for engagement. 相似文献
6.
Tai‐Li Wang 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):50-78
This study bases on two theorized aspects of web interactivity, human‐to‐online‐media interaction, and human‐to‐human‐via‐online‐media interaction, aiming to explore how the concept of ‘interactivity’ was defined and realized by primary candidates' websites in Taiwan's 2000 presidential election. Measured by an Interactivity Index Scale developed in this study, the research findings indicate that candidates' websites performed better in offering human‐to‐online‐media interaction; however, the human‐to‐human interaction via online media was not realized as the primary objective of the online campaigns. Further analysis revealed that even in the perspectives of human‐to‐online media interaction, candidates tended to define web interactivity in terms of working towards their interest, not towards those of the voters. The implication of such findings is provided for future studies on online political communication. 相似文献
7.
Building Citizen Trust Through E-government 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
Michael Parent Christine A. Vandebeek Andrew C. Gemino 《Government Information Quarterly》2005,22(4):720-736
The trust of citizens in their governments has gradually eroded. One response by several North American governments has been to introduce e-government or Web-mediated citizen-to-government interaction. This paper tests the extent to which online initiatives have succeeded in increasing trust and external political efficacy in voters. An Internet-based survey of 182 Canadian voters shows that using the Internet to transact with the government had a significantly positive impact on trust and external political efficacy. Interestingly, though the quality of the interaction was important, it was secondary to internal political efficacy in determining trust levels, and not significant in determining levels of external political efficacy (or perceived government responsiveness). For policymakers, this suggests e-government efforts might be better aimed at citizens with high pre-extant levels of trust rather than in developing better Web sites. For researchers, this paper introduces political efficacy as an important determinant of trust as it pertains to e-government. 相似文献
8.
《Government Information Quarterly》2019,36(3):510-519
This study examines the extent to which acculturation and enculturation orientations affect online political participation, political involvement and voting intentions among a sample of Turkish-Dutch immigrants. The study uses data from Turkish-Dutch participants. Structural Equations Modelling (SEM) is employed for assessing the relationships in the conceptualized model. The findings show that enculturation and acculturation influence online participation and involvement, which in turn, are related to voting intentions. The study further examines the mediating role of political involvement and online political participation. Political involvement mediates the relationships between enculturation and acculturation and voting intentions. The results further indicate the effect of online participation on voting intentions is mediated by political involvement. The study findings provide insights into offline and online cultural and civic engagement tendencies among an important immigrant segment that policy makers should consider in the future. 相似文献
9.
Gang Han Ph.D. 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):62-81
Based on General Social Survey data, this study employs logit models to clarify the effects of new media use and sociodemographic characteristics on voter turnout in the 2000 presidential election. It also discusses the predicting power of social-demographics on new media use behavior. Findings highlight that the behavior of actively seeking political information online, which can be expected by the level of education and income of Internet users, raised their likelihood of voting. General Internet exposure, which is reduced by age and affected by gender, however, could not increase the turnout as expected. Among sociodemographic indicators, education counted the most in the 2000 presidential election. People's sociodemographic characteristics were stronger predictors than their new media use behavior for voter turnout. 相似文献
10.
Gary Hanson Audrey Wagstaff Cunningham Rekha Sharma J. D. Ponder 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(5):584-607
Considerable research over the years has been devoted to ascertaining the impact of media use on political cynicism. The impact of the Internet has been difficult to assess because it is not a single monolithic medium. For example, the 2008 presidential campaign was the first presidential campaign in which popular social networking sites such as Facebook, MySpace, and YouTube were widely available to voters. Therefore, the campaign offered the first opportunity to explore the influence of these social media on political cynicism. In this study, we examined whether the use of such social media influenced political cynicism. We also considered the influence of user background characteristics (e.g., self-efficacy, locus of control, political orientation, demographics, and influence of family and friends), motives for using social media for political information, and users’ elaboration on political content. Several individual differences were stronger predictors of political cynicism than was social media use. In fact, social networking use was a negative predictor of political cynicism. Results supported uses and gratifications’ notions that the influence of social media on political cynicism is more attributable to user background and media-use differences than to sheer use of these popular sites. 相似文献
11.
《Government Information Quarterly》2022,39(4):101718
Internet voting is a highly contested topic in electoral studies. This article examines Internet voting in Estonia over 15 years and 11 nation-wide elections. It focuses on the following questions: How is Internet voting organized and used in Estonia? How have the Estonian Internet voting system and its usage evolved over time? What are the preconditions and consequences of large-scale deployment of Internet voting? The results suggest that the rapid uptake and burgeoning usage rates reflect the system's embeddedness in a highly developed digital state and society. Through continuous technological and legal innovation and development, Estonia has built an advanced Internet voting system that complies with normative standards for democratic elections and is widely trusted and used by the voters. Internet voting has not boosted turnout in a setting where voting was already easily accessible. Neither has it created digital divides: Internet voting in Estonia has diffused to the extent that socio-demographic characteristics no longer predict usage. This, combined with massive uptake, reduces incentives for political parties to politicize the novel voting mode. 相似文献
12.
This study investigates how social factors affect Taiwanese Internet users’ dual screening use and its impact on online and offline political participation. The Web survey recruits 961 dual screen users. Structural equation modeling results show that bridging social capital and perceived social presence are significantly associated with dual screening use. Dual screening is positively related to online and offline political participation. Dual screening use strongly influences offline political participation when mediated by online political participation. Moreover, alternative media trust is positively related to online political participation, whereas mainstream media trust shows a negative association. 相似文献
13.
This study examined college students' use of online media for political purposes in the 2008 election. Social media attention, online expression, and traditional Internet attention were assessed in relation to political self-efficacy and situational political involvement. Data from a Web survey of college students showed significant positive relationships between attention to traditional Internet sources and political self-efficacy and situational political involvement. Attention to social media was not significantly related to political self-efficacy or involvement. Online expression was significantly related to situational political involvement but not political self-efficacy. Implications are discussed for political use of online media for young adults. 相似文献
14.
Sabina Lissitsa 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(1):18-32
In light of the growing role of social media in conflict management, the current study analyzes the interrelationship of online political participation of Israeli Jews, the frequency of their online contacts with Arabs, and Jews’ perceived social distances from Arabs. The research was conducted through an online survey of a representative sample of 458 Israeli Jews who use the social media at least 3 times a week. Overall, although causation cannot be inferred because of the correlational design of our study, results suggest that frequency of online contacts may positively affect closeness to Arabs in line with contact theory. In keeping with the socialization perspective of political engagement, the findings indicate that the impact of online political participation on social distances from Arabs was mediated by interactions between Jews and Arabs in the social media. 相似文献
15.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(3):101483
One of the great promises of e-democracy is the potential it holds for increasing citizen participation. Much of the research related to this topic has focused on inputs, identifying the tools and technologies of e-democracy, or factors associated with adoption and/or diffusion of these technologies across units of governments or public organizations. By contrast there has been less research examining how these inputs translate into outcomes, or impacts that e-democracy has on changes in civic behavior or citizen engagement. Our study helps fill this knowledge gap by examining the impact that a specific set of information communication technologies (ICTs) have on a common form of civic engagement: voting. This research creates and tests two unique measures, the online election information index (OEII) and the e-registration service index (ERSI) to examine the extent to which local governments offer online information and utilities that help to educate voters and promote turnout. The index is tested on a sample of 396 county governments in the US to examine the extent to which governments' use of voting ICTs impacts voter participation, while accounting for other institutional and demographic factors that are known to shape voter turnout. We find that voter turnout is indeed higher in communities where local governments offer more voting ICTs, and the availability of these online resources may be particularly influential in boosting turnout in places where state policies serve to constrain or limit turnout. 相似文献
16.
Jörg Haßler 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):326-341
One aspect of the mediatization of politics is the idea that political actors adapt to the communication logic of news media to gain, for example, news media attention. Currently, this process may be influenced by the diffusion of the internet as a political communication channel, especially because online communication provides a new opportunity for political actors to communicate directly with citizens. Thus far, the adaptation to media logic by political parties has mainly been examined in the context of election campaigns. In order to transfer these findings to regular political communication, this study compares the use of media logic in the mass media and in direct political communication channels online and offline about the United Nations Climate Change Conferences 2011 and 2012. A quantitative content analysis of the conference protocols (input) and the presentation of the conference results in the seven most frequently used German offline news outlets (print and TV) and their online counterparts, as well as political offline and online communication channels like parliamentary speeches and websites of the six parties represented in the German parliament (output), was conducted. Results show that in the context of regular political communication, political actors seem to follow media logic to a lesser extent than in the context of election campaigns. Thus far, the influence of online communication on the mediatization of politics seems to be rather marginal. The causes and consequences of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
17.
Jennifer Brundidge R. Kelly Garrett Hernando Rojas Homero Gil de Zúñiga 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(4):464-486
Observations of the contemporary news media environment often revolve around the topics of ideological polarization and blurred boundaries between mass and interpersonal communication. This study explores these topics through a focus on the association between ideologically oriented online news use, commenting on online news, and political participation. We hypothesize that both ideological online news use generally and proattitudinal online news use are positively related to political participation and that online news commenting creates “differential gains” by augmenting these relationships. Yet we also hypothesize that counterattitudinal online news use is negatively related to political participation and that online news commenting creates “differential losses” by exacerbating this relationship. Analyses of two independently collected and nationally representative surveys found that frequent ideological online news use, proattitudinal online news use, and commenting are all positively related to political participation. We found no evidence for differential gains as a result of online commenting but only for differential losses—counterattitudinal online news use interacts with commenting to create a negative relationship with political participation. 相似文献
18.
Although many studies have investigated citizens' attitudes toward polls and the political consequences, there have been no studies examining the effects of social network site (SNS) users' opinion environments on their poll skepticism. Based on prior studies on poll skepticism, we examine the relationship between perceived SNS opinion environments, poll skepticism, perceived concerns over the negative influence of the polls, and voting intention in an upcoming election. Using the survey data of the 2012 South Korean General Election, this study found that if the published polls are against respondents' political position, their homophilous SNS opinion environments promote poll skepticism, and augmented poll skepticism leads to concerns over the negative influence of the polls on other voters, which in turn increases voting intention. 相似文献
19.
《Government Information Quarterly》2020,37(3):101486
This paper empirically investigates the association of quality information provided by a government agency on social media and citizen’s online political participation. It further answers the why and how questions regarding the existence of this relationship by examining the mediating influence of transparency, trust, and responsiveness. The data was collected from 388 followers of the social media platforms of a government agency i.e. Punjab Food Authority and the findings of the analysis were obtained using structural equation modeling technique. The results reveal that the agency’s provision of quality information on social media was significantly related to perceived transparency, trust in agency, perceived responsiveness, and citizens’ online political participation. Moreover, the results show that perceived transparency mediates the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ trust in agency. Additionally, trust in agency was an insignificant predictor and perceived responsiveness was a negative predictor of citizens online political participation, Also, trust in agency and perceived responsiveness suppressed the relationship between agency’s provision of quality information on social media and citizens’ online political participation. This study aims to bring awareness and contribution to the body of knowledge about the governmental use of social media and its resulting benefits since in developing countries like Pakistan the research in this area is sparse. Further, it provides strategic and practical suggestions to agencies regarding advantages of utilizing social media in their communication with citizens. 相似文献
20.
This study examines the uses and gratifications (U&G) of accessing political candidate profiles on social network Web sites. An online survey of visitors to the MySpace profiles of 2008 primary candidates revealed that voters are drawn to this source of political information mainly by the desire for social interaction with other like-minded supporters, followed by information-seeking, and entertainment. While information seeking and entertainment are common U&G of consuming online political content, they were weaker factors compared to the social interaction factor that seems to distinguish MySpace, possibly SNSs in general, from other online sources of political content. 相似文献