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141.
142.
逯长春 《四川教育学院学报》2012,(2):105-108
德国文理中学教师的培养分为三个阶段:第一个阶段是接受大学教师专业教育;第二个阶段是要完成为期两年的教育实习期服务;第三个阶段是入职后的继续教育。德国的师资培养非常重视教师实践能力的培养,对教师资格要求十分严格,必须要经过两次国家考试。此外,每年都会有大量的教师继续教育课程。 相似文献
143.
窦少文 《周口师范学院学报》2012,29(5):147-149
通过对中国和德国乒乓球职业化俱乐部运行机制的比较研究表明:中国乒乓球职业化俱乐部的运行机制与德国相比有较大的差距.并提出了一些建议,以期为中国乒乓球职业化俱乐部更好地发展提供一些有益的参考. 相似文献
144.
李富森 《临沂师范学院学报》2012,(3)
19世纪70年代以后,以电能、内燃机动力以及新兴化学工业为主要特征的第二次工业革命在欧美资本主义国家展开。德国是第二次工业革命的主导国家。德国在电气、内燃机、化学工业和炼钢工业等四个重要领域均取得了重大成就,出现了一大批科学家和科学成果,并居于世界领先地位。第二次工业革命推动了德国经济飞速发展。20世纪初.德国的工业总量超过了所有欧洲国家。德国第二次工业革命的特点是:第一次工业革命和第二次工业革命交错进行;迅速将科学理论、发明转化为生产力,并大力发展新兴工业;轻重工业同步发展。 相似文献
145.
张才圣 《湖北第二师范学院学报》2012,(4):50-54
美苏关系的缓和,西方阵营改变了他们的东方政策,这削弱了德国在冷战中的作用,德国甚至成为美苏双方达成交易的对象。国际形势的变化需要德国调整其外交政策,打破外交孤立的局面。于是,在团结西方阵营前提下,德国努力推进欧洲一体化进程,力争在一个统一的欧洲中摆脱外交被孤立局面。在海牙会议上,德国重构欧洲一体化蓝图,使停滞的一体化车轮重新运转起来。因为,一个统一的欧洲既可以使德国摆脱对美国的过分依赖,又可以增强与东方阵营谈判的筹码,更重要的是打破了德国外交被孤立的局面。 相似文献
146.
陈勇 《常熟理工学院学报》2012,26(1):111-115
俾斯麦东方政策表现出前后两个时期不同的阶段性特征:前期"联"俄,旨在建立三皇同盟;后期"拉"俄,旨在赢得俄国友谊,获得双保险。 相似文献
147.
Hans-Ulrich Grunder 《Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education》2014,50(5):571-579
In his daily journal on the founding of the public experimental school, a “community school” at the Berliner Tor in Hamburg between spring 1919 and September 1921, Lottig describes the everyday issues confronting the principal of the “new school” at that time. These concern classroom instruction, teachers, parents, external pressures on the Berliner Tor-School, the relationship with the school administration, political issues prevalent in Hamburg at that time, ideological and philosophical debates as well as personal and family relationship problems, all of which Lottig describes in his journal. Lottig also noted the reasoning underpinning the development of the school experiments: the “old” schools in Hamburg had been closed, and the state had in their place established experimental schools. The journal clearly records the difficulties, issues and successes of a principal of one of the newly established community schools (Lebensgemeinschaftsschulen), which had been established as experimental schools. A perusal of the diary indicates that Jakob Robert Schmid’s sole and up to now only one known analysis of the journal comes off as biased and misleading. Schmid, professor of education at the University of Berne, had, at the beginning of the 1930s, only perused and analysed those portions of Lottig’s journal in which Lottig describes the rather turbulent if inspiring – and yet chaotic – operation of the community school in its first two years. While Schmid analysed these portions, he did not consider Lottig’s other, more favourable and constructive comments. Schmid also did not explain his one-sided selection of journal passages. Schmid brands Lottig and his team of teachers as educational novices and classifies the Berliner Tor-School as an “anti-authoritarian” institution, an experimental school like any other school experiment which overshoots the mark, not being educationally and institutionally meaningful. A more objective and principled approach in examining Lottig’s journal would have revealed that Lottig and his teachers were well aware of the main issue confronting the school, an issue that Schmid would also have found relevant: the relation of freedom and compulsion, within a setting that Lottig wanted to revitalise, to productively equilibrate without employing the customary disciplinary instruments. Lottig furthermore again and again points emphatically to the “growing pains” of all alternative schools (even when regulated by the state as an experimental school), whose goal it had been, to establish, even under difficult circumstances, a “new school-type” not utilising the traditional instruments of discipline, instruction and school management. This proves that Lottig was neither an educational ignoramus nor unaware of the basic issue of classroom instruction: how one can instruct with or without compulsion. Lottig’s goal had always been – and this Schmid also disregarded – to replace traditional, imposed, mandated or even self-imposed rules and regulations by new, commonly worked out rules. Lottig’s journal is a good example of the steadfast, unrelenting and energy-sapping aspiration of a school principal to balance the relation of school management versus a school’s self-development under the given circumstances. In addition, Schmid’s misinterpretation is a good example of how an observer, who hardly knew the Berliner Tor-School, would misuse this historical source by means of a biased interpretation to further his own views on scholastic education, views that Lottig himself would have preferred to provocatively examine – Schmid’s “authoritative pedagogy”, which goes beyond all authoritarian and non-authoritarian educational policies. What, then, would Lottig have recorded in his journal about a meeting with Schmid? 相似文献
148.
Joseph Gibbs 《Media History》2013,19(2):205-221
The Berlin newspaper Der Panzerbär, which functioned briefly in April 1945, is of historical interest to the study of propaganda, and that of the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP) in particular. The newspaper's contents reveal the NSDAP propaganda machine functioning in circumstances of immediate violence and utter irrationality. The involvement of NSDAP propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels in the newspaper is documented, although it appears to have been peripheral. Its contents, which are consistent with what has been written about Goebbels’ late-war approaches, reveal the last stand of NSDAP propaganda mythology, as well as efforts to link the NSDAP cause to that of European civilization – all underscored by threats from both internal and external sources. 相似文献
149.
Learning about scientific inquiry (SI) is an important aspect of scientific literacy and there is a solid international consensus of what should be learned about it. Learning about SI comprises both the doing of science (process) and knowledge about the nature of scientific inquiry (NOSI). German reform documents promote inquiry generally but do not equally address these two sides of inquiry. This study explores how teachers incorporate learning about SI into laboratory work in the Chemistry classroom. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 14 secondary school Chemistry teachers (8 of them holding a Ph.D. in Chemistry) from Germany. The results indicate that teaching NOSI is not a primary goal for teachers. Still, some aspects of NOSI seem to be more easily incorporated in the Chemistry classroom, for example, critical testing and hypothesis and prediction. Teachers state 2 main criteria to identify suitable chemical laboratory work for teaching NOSI: adaptable parameters and low level of required content knowledge. Surprisingly, differences can be found between Ph.D. and non-Ph.D. teachers’ views on teaching inquiry. The findings of this study can be used to (a) select opportunities for targeted research on teaching NOSI in the Chemistry classroom, (b) inform curriculum material development and (c) give impetus to science teacher education and professional development. 相似文献
150.
Sanne Parlevliet 《Paedagogica Historica: International Journal of the History of Education》2013,49(6):745-768
One of the most popular Dutch educational enlightenment authors was Hieronymus van Alphen. His three volumes of Little Poems for Children published in 1778 and 1782 were extremely successful, both in the Netherlands and abroad. Inspired by the German poets Christian Felix Weisse and Gottlob Wilhelm Burmann, Van Alphen brought about an expansion of educational space based on the integration of moral education in the spirit of the educational ideas of Locke, Rousseau and the Philanthropinists with poetical ideas and the nature of the child in both the content and the form of his poems. His poems were translated almost immediately into English, French and, surprisingly, as many of his poems were more or less adaptations of poems by Weisse and Burmann, into German too. Van Alphen’s trump card was a reversal of former strategies of education: instead of pressing moral ideas upon the children from an adult point of view, he aimed at identification by (1) writing from the perspective of children, (2) situating the poems in the world of experience of children, (3) using a childlike style with a frolicking metre, rhyme scheme and prosody, and (4) combining text and images, so putting the moral message across visually and textually at the same time. In this paper, we follow the journey of poems for children as media for the cultural transmission of moral educational ideas from Germany to the Netherlands from the perspective of cultural transmission, moral literacy and educational space. We conclude that Van Alphen, with the combined power of text and image, successfully adopted and adapted former educational strategies, such as the moral poetics developed by his German predecessors Christian Felix Weisse and Gottlob Wilhelm Burmann. Taking their strategies on a poetic journey from Germany to the Netherlands, he not only transferred them, but transformed them as well. Van Alphen did so in a specific Dutch utilitarian way. His poems could be read for fun but were intended for learning. They were useful and entertaining at the same time, because he took the life and living environment of children into account, and particularly accounted for the concept of development as a distinguishing characteristic of the specific nature of the child with which child readers could identify. 相似文献