排序方式： 共有47条查询结果，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Guy Berger 《Journalism Practice》2018,12(8):939-953
A functionalist perspective on the future of journalism would posit that because human society needs journalism, we will find ways to support this communications practice. Yet such a perspective, however consoling, assumes a teleology that is far from guaranteed. What will happen is far from easy to predict; nevertheless, this paper pinpoints several key issues that impact on the future of journalism. It also advances some general propositions and a broad periodisation around UNESCO’s historical role in relation to these issues. The analysis gives particular attention to political and economic matters, the safety of journalists and internet governance. Each of these dimensions entails existential threats to journalism, but some opportunities are also noted. Four paradoxes are also identified, with tensions that may lead to change in one direction or another. 相似文献
2.
Research in information processing suggests that the journalistic practice of embedding right-wing populist Twitter posts in news may stimulate political polarization. To test this notion, we conducted an online experiment (N?=?379). We investigated how highlighted right-wing populist statements affected individuals from different ideological stances and whether potential effects were determined by Twitter-specific characteristics (Twitter frame, profile picture). We exposed participants to two articles, each including a statement by a politician of the Austrian Freedom Party. In the first group, the statements were not highlighted (control group). In the second and third group, the statements appeared as conventional block quotes either without (G2) or with (G3) a picture of the politician. In the fourth and fifth group, the statements were highlighted as Twitter posts, again either without (G4) or with (G5) a picture of the politician. Results revealed that all highlighting conditions increased statement recognition among left-wing individuals. However, the full Twitter post condition exerted the strongest effect. Higher recognition then decreased left-wing individuals’ anti-immigrant attitudes and sympathy toward the right-wing populist candidate. Thus, embedding right-wing populists’ Twitter posts may induce disconfirmation bias among left-wing voters and trigger a process in which they strengthen their initial attitudes. 相似文献
3.
通过对＂唐慧案＂中唐慧女性形象前后逆转的媒介镜像分析,发现民粹主义思潮已触及新闻媒体。媒体报道的民粹化倾向,离不开当今各阶层差距悬殊的大背景,以及强势群体的话语缺失、草根群体的舆论施压、传统新闻框架的影响。作为舆论引发和引导的主力,媒体民粹化的报道倾向助推了民粹主义思潮的勃兴,严重威胁社会稳定。 相似文献
4.
《Journal of Cultural Economy》2013,6(2):178-193
How important is it for journalism, media, public relations and communication studies students more generally to acquire literacy in political economy? How possible is it for this to happen while maintaining now established specialized communication, journalism, media, public relations degrees or at least professional strands within communication degrees? A recent media campaign in Australia over a proposed mining tax throws into relief communication professionals' need for literacy in the orientations and positions of political economy. A recently implemented course gives some indicators of what can be achieved in this area. The article is thus about the spread and purchase of a culturally informed political economy rather than knotty questions within it. The article, first, sets out in brief key aspects of the media campaign in question and one journalist's reflection on the challenges it posed. It discusses what might be involved in equipping students with how to meet those challenges, placing this in the wider context of a course that introduces communication students to a non-reductionist, interdisciplinary political economy. 相似文献
5.
Craig O. Stewart 《Communication Research Reports》2020,37(1-2):11-21
ABSTRACTThis study analyzed the tone of public campaign remarks of right- and left-wing populist (Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders, respectively) and right and left-wing non-populist (Mitt Romney and Hillary Clinton, respectively) U.S. presidential candidates using DICTION 7.0. Findings suggest that populists tended to use a linguistic tone that is high in pessimism, group abstractness, and exclusion. Pessimism and group abstractness were positively associated with immigration language in right-wing populist speech. Commonality and “we-ness” were positively associated with populist language in left-wing populist speech. 相似文献
6.
Glen O’Hara 《Journal of Cultural Economy》2019,12(1):1-20
Britain’s exit from the European Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1992 and the Second Iraq War in 2003 are two infamous examples of disastrous policy, but governments blunder all the time – whatever party is in power. Infrastructure projects overrun. The aims and techniques of different departments clash. Scandals erupt among officials and politicians. Controversies stymie attempts at agreement and consensus. But why exactly do these failures happen? Are they more or less widespread than in the private sector? And can studying British governments’ decision-making across the twentieth century improve it in the future? In his May 2018 inaugural lecture, Professor O'Hara recommended a slow, deliberative, transparent, democratic and above all humble and sensitive approach in order to avoid another Black Wednesday or ruinous war – an approach in contrast to the populist tone of much recent debate. 相似文献
7.
James Craske 《British Educational Research Journal》2021,47(2):279-298
A lot has been written about the lasting implications of the Conservative reforms to English schooling, particularly changes made by Michael Gove as Education Secretary (2010–2014). There is a lot less work, however, on studying the role that language, strategy and the broader political framework played in the process of instituting and winning consent for these reforms. Studying these factors is important for ensuring that any changes to education and schooling are not read in isolation from their political context. Speeches particularly capture moments where intellectual and strategic political traditions meet, helping us to form a richer understanding of the motives behind specific reform goals and where they fit into a political landscape. This article analyses speeches and policy documents from prominent politicians who led the Conservative education agenda between 2010–2014 to illustrate how politicians mobilised a deliberate populist strategy and argumentation to achieve specific educational goals, but which have had broader social and political implications. Concepts from interpretive political studies are used to develop a case analysis of changes to teacher training provision and curriculum reform, illustrating how politicians constructed a frontier between ‘the people’ (commonly teachers or parents) and an illegitimate ‘elite’ (an educational establishment) that opposed change. This anti-elite populist rhetoric, arguably first tested in the Department for Education, has now become instituted more widely in our current British politics. 相似文献
8.
从平民主义到民粹主义 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
杨春时 《海南师范大学学报(社会科学版)》2002,15(5):9-12
五四运动产生了平民主义思潮,在以后的革命中又转化为新民粹主义。民粹主义以反资本主义和大众崇拜为特征,它推动了建立现代民族国家的进程,同时又是一种反现代性思潮,在现代化建设中,新民粹主义导致以反现代性为导向的政治运动,直至“文革”。在当前,必须汲取历史经验,批判具有民粹主义色彩的反现代性思潮。 相似文献
9.
民本主义与我国民主建设 总被引：2，自引：0，他引：2
吕佳 《内蒙古师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2002,31(1):36-38
民本主义思想是中国历史重要的文化和精神遗产，是几千年封建社会中君主和士大夫阶层的统治之道，虽然民本与民主有着本质的区别，但民本主义思想主张“民为邦本”，重视人心身背，对我国现阶段社会主义民主的建设具有重要的借鉴作用。 相似文献
10.
郑锋 《江西教育学院学报》2009,30(3):57-61
目前,我国正致力于建设社会主义民主政治制度,但许多人仍有“清官情结”,将其所折射出岛民本主义思想与民主主义思想混淆。认清民本主义和民主主义的本质区别,借鉴以民主主义为特征的西方资产阶级政治制度中的合理因素,对我国社会主义民主政治制度建设有重大意义。 相似文献