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台湾地区民进党执政以来教育改革中的台独倾向评析 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
自民进党在台湾地区执政以来,台湾教育改革中的台独倾向逐渐公开化.在教育理念、学校课程、教材编写和相关社会组织等诸多方面,均可见到台独意识的渗透.尽管受到台湾文教界多数有良知的知识分子的抵制,但台独势力一意孤行,大有愈演愈烈之势.深入开展相关研究,加强文教领域的反台独斗争,具有重要而深远的意义. 相似文献
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马慧敏 《山西财经大学学报(高等教育版)》2003,(3):79-81
构建出一个基于互联网的现代统计体系，提出这一体系的基本结构，以及以此为平台开展的网上统计工作，并围绕统计工作的步骤，分别阐明各个环节的实施手段。 相似文献
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摘要：介绍第63届美国运动医学年会第7届运动是良医世界大会上有关美国糖尿病预防项目（DPP）最新推广应用的情况并追溯DPP的诞生和发展，目的在于为国内体医融合的研究及其科研成果的转化应用提供理论和实践参考。采用文献综述法对近20年来DPP相关论文资料进行综述，并结合第7届运动是良医世界大会上与DPP相关的最新报告内容，完整阐述DPP的诞生、发展和最新的推广应用情况，结合我国糖尿病预防的研究、实践和应用现状，提出在国内实施大范围糖尿病预防项目，特别是以运动为主的生活方式干预项目的必要性、可行性和注意事项，形成我国自己的应用模式并扩展到其他慢性疾病预防领域。 相似文献
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Nitin Naik 《欧洲特需教育杂志》2017,32(1):146-152
AbstractIn higher education, supporting students with special educational needs (SEN) necessitates an understanding of these needs, additional teaching aids and innovative ideas. The teacher must be an integral part of this support process, and this is difficult for the majority of teachers, due to their lack of core understanding of SEN. However, teachers can focus on their core skills and content knowledge, and have immense alacrity to explore potential options to support their students with SEN. I decided to support my students with SEN by adapting my PowerPoint presentations according to their requirements. PowerPoint presentations usually provide concisely summarised information to students that often lead to confusion in their pre-lecture or post-lecture review. This lack of comprehensive subject information within PowerPoint presentations can have serious implications for students with SEN and their note-takers if no other teaching resources or aids are available to help them. Students with SEN and note-takers reported this concern to me at Aberystwyth University, UK. Consequently, I began to explore ways to make my PowerPoint presentations extra helpful for my students with SEN. After a review of best practices for students with SEN based on universal design for learning and a few trials, I developed a dual PowerPoint presentation (DPP), lecture handouts and comprehensive lecture notes. Subsequently, I successfully employed this approach in the delivery of some of the undergraduate modules of a BSc computer science programme. Feedback from students with SEN, note-takers and the student support department, and examination results showed the success and potential of this DPP approach. 相似文献
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Petrus Liu 《Inter-Asia Cultural Studies》2013,14(4):517-539
Abstract This paper refutes the dominant assumption that Taiwan, unlike Mainland China, has developed a greater degree of tolerance for non‐normative sexual expressions as a result of its democratization. Recent legal and cultural changes indicate that Taiwan’s democratization consists of tendencies and repressive countertendencies. At the same time, this contradictory development has uniquely enabled a body of indigenous Marxist writings that mobilizes different senses of ‘queerness’ to demonstrate that the official celebration of diversity and human rights has actually further alienated and disempowered sex workers, promiscuous homosexuals, gay drug‐users, and other social subjects that are considered to be a threat to the liberal‐democratic order. I offer a reading of the critical writings of Josephine Ho, Yin‐bin Ning, Ding Naifei, and Wang Ping since the 1990s to explain why Queer Marxism in Taiwan is founded on a strong a‐statist discourse. I argue that a Queer Marxist intellectual practice emerged in Taiwan because liberal pluralism, institutionalized in what these critics call ‘state feminism,’ has failed to redress effects of social exclusion that (1) persist not despite of, but precisely because of, post‐martial law liberal reforms, and that (2) diverge in significant ways from individual experiences as members of officially defined minority groups (women, aborigines, migrant workers, or homosexuals). If social structuration is not always synchronic or isomorphic with state‐engineered legal changes, this difference also provides the occasion for Queer Marxists to interrogate the intellectual division of labor between feminism, assumed to be the analysis of gender as a non‐pluralizable category, and queer theory, assumed to be the analysis of sexuality as a non‐singular but personifiable category. Only by distinguishing between social relations and social identity can we comprehend how the rise of the Taiwanese Independence Movement played a key role in the naturalization of homosexuality as a fictive ethnicity, to which Queer Marxism developed as a historical response. As a geopolitically specific analysis of the aporia of substantive personhood, the Queer Marxism in Taiwan I re‐historicize is also a significant contribution to Marxist critique of liberal formalism that is of use to readers across the globe. 相似文献
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