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1.
1998年《科瑞克报告》发表之后,公民教育被纳入到英国国家课程之中,其目的是要培养学生在多元化社会中共同生活的技能与态度,增强社会凝聚力,促进社会和谐.主要措施有政府和学校领导的支持、教师的培训、校园文化的建设、其他学科的渗透等.经过十年的实施,学生的政治和社会参与意识逐步提高.然而,根据英国国家教育研究基金会（NFER）的多份报告,公民教育远没有达到政府的期望. 相似文献
2.
上世纪九十年代末以来,英国的公民教育经历了一系列的变革,显示了很好的发展态势,特别是<科瑞克报告>发布后,英国有了明确的公民教育计划,有了自己关注的主题,并取得了一定的成就.本文考察<科瑞克报告>提出的背景和随后的一些政策发展情况,分析英国近十年内公民教育的主题及其发展的特点,认为英国近十年的公民教育改革是切合英国及全球民主化进程要求的,其提出的以培养参与民主公民为目标的公民教育,及其实践中体现出的重视公民意识、公民权责、公民参与的培养等特点,是值得我们思考和借鉴的. 相似文献
3.
1998年发布的《科瑞克报告》(Crick Report)将公民教育从2002年开始纳入英国中学必修科目,将公民预备教育也作为小学教育评估的考察内容.无论是老牌民主国家,还是诸如东欧、中欧和拉美等新兴民主国家都认为,民主就其本质而言是脆弱的,它有赖于全体公民的积极参与.本文考察了欧洲及国际视野中的民主公民教育(EDC)背景、英国民主公民教育内涵和英国民主公民教育四大核心主题,分析指出英国民主公民教育所面临的挑战. 相似文献
4.
公民权责教育:英国公民教育的新动向 总被引：5，自引：0，他引：5
公民权责教育在英国将首次作为国家政策正式引入到中小学来。本文对英国开展公民权责教育作背景分析 ,介绍“科瑞克报告”中关于公民权责教育的主要建议。英国的公民权责教育主要有三种方法 :讨论师生共同感兴趣的问题、参与实际的选举活动、开展网络在线讨论。随着全球化的兴起 ,全球公民教育已是迫在眉睫之事。与英国的公民教育相比 ,中国的公民教育应拓宽思路 ,创设情境 ,引导学生在活动中获得公民教育 ,尤其要加强公民权责教育。 相似文献
5.
凌宏发 《上海师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2004,33(1):92-96
“第三条道路”是布莱尔领导的英国“新工党”的社会哲学，其主要思想是培育一个全纳的、积极的公民社会，实现权利与责任的平衡；主张政府与其他机构的合作，建立起社会投资型国家；鼓励创新和国际间合作，不断提高英国的国际竞争力。布莱尔政府正是在这种思想的指导下，对新世纪英国高等教育进行了再一次改革，并规划出英国高等教育的未来发展蓝图。 相似文献
6.
1997年～2007年是英国工党执政史无前例的黄金10年,该党领袖布莱尔更是得以在此期间将其教育改革的抱负付诸实践。在布莱尔离任后,《牛津教育评论》于2008年12月特地出版专辑讨论布莱尔教育遗产,引起研究英国教育或教育政策的学者的广泛关注。本文综述了《英国教育研究学报》和《牛津教育评论》1997至2009年专门评论布莱尔新工党政府教育改革的19篇论文,并在此基础上初步探索了英国这10年的教育改革经验对我国教育发展的借鉴意义。 相似文献
7.
2002年,公民教育作为国家法定学科正式在英国中学实施,同时,英国政府和社会组织不断跟进公民教育实施状况,针对出现的问题及时进行修正。2007年发布的《课程检视:身份与多样性》报告就是对公民教育课程的一次修正。作为对多元文化英国社会存在的问题的回应,此次课程改革是在英国国内政治力量的推动下而进行的。新的课程修正案不仅拓展了公民教育内容,增加了身份与多样性教育,同时提出了整合多元文化社会和传授统一价值观的有效策略。自此之后,学校公民教育承担了通过多样性和统一价值观教育增强社会凝聚力的任务,以促进更为和谐的英国社会生成。 相似文献
8.
1997—2007年英国首相布莱尔执政期间,英国先后出台了多项高等教育改革政策。公平入学政策和对贫困学生的资助政策是英国布莱尔政府在高等教育改革中对如何实现高等教育的公平问题所采取的措施。对这些措施加以分析,吸收和借鉴其理论成果和实践经验,必将对我国高等教育的大众化发展和教育公平的最终实现具有重要的参考价值。 相似文献
9.
英国的基础教育在布莱尔政府上台后得到了迅速发展,这与新工党将教育作为最优先的战略密不可分。2005年10月,继布莱尔成功连任英国首相后,教育与技能部颁布了《为了全体学生:更高的标准,更好的学校》白皮书,揭开了英国教育改革的新篇章。本文分析了该白皮书出台的背景,并对白皮书的主要目标和内容进行了简要评述。 相似文献
10.
“确保未来的高等教育持续发展”的《布朗报告》就如何使英国高校得到可持续的经费投入、如何提高英国高等教育的教学质量、如何确保英国高等教育的公共利益等问题提出了改革建议.报告还对英国高等教育场域内各利益相关方——政府、高校、学生或家长、第三方教育监管机构的角色进行了重新界定.在此,着重介绍这项报告的背景、内容及影响,解析英国高等教育发展的趋势及策略. 相似文献
11.
Mark Olssen 《British Journal of Sociology of Education》2004,25(2):179-192
This paper attempts to develop a more sophisticated notion of multiculturalism in Britain. It starts by examining the philosophical basis of the Crick Report on citizenship education to resolve the theoretical tension between liberal and multicultural approaches to the subject. To achieve this resolution, it compares the Crick Report to the Parekh Report on the Future of Multi Ethnic Britain, published on 11th October 2000. The Parekh report is then used to critique the Crick report and re‐theorise the practical imperatives of multicultural citizenship education. I claim that the Crick report, typical of liberal analyses, is suspicious of departure from the presumption of a unified social structure, and represents citizenship education as the imposition of a uniform standard applied to all groups and peoples. On this basis it is claimed that, although the Crick Report’s conception of citizenship fails to adequately take account of cultural difference, it need not do so, as there is room within liberal approaches to citizenship education for a recognition of difference. The paper explains how such a resolution can be effected. 相似文献
12.
Audrey Osler 《Curriculum Journal》2013,24(1):25-37
This article examines current policy on citizenship education in England, drawing on the recommendations of the 1998 Crick Report, Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools. In particular, it seeks to establish whether the proposals for citizenship education outlined in the report and draft frameworks for citizenship education, published by the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority as part of the National Curriculum review for England, have the potential to contribute towards racial equality. The report sets out to provide a framework for citizenship education which is intended to strengthen our democracy. The publication of the Macpherson Report of the Stephen Lawrence inquiry in 1999 led senior politicians to acknowledge institutional racism in British society and to pledge themselves to a programme to eradicate racism. Racism is therefore now officially recognized by those in government as one of the forces which operates to restrict the citizenship rights of minorities and undermines the principles of democracy. An understanding of racism, the ways in which it serves to undermine democracy, and skills to challenge this anti-democratic force are therefore essential features of any education programme which seeks to promote the political literacy of citizens. This article argues that a key aim in any programme of citizenship education must be to enable young people to understand the barriers to citizenship and to equip them with the skills to challenge and overcome such barriers. It examines the images and understandings of multiculturalism in the Crick Report and considers how it deals with questions of difference, equality and justice. It further examines whether the proposals within the report are an adequate basis from which sound anti-racist education programmes might be developed or whether the report itself may unwittingly reflect racism. It concludes by suggesting how the citizenship education project might be modified so that it promotes a vision of a multicultural society founded on principles of human rights and of schools where children are able to realize their rights on the basis of equality. 相似文献
13.
It is now two decades since the Advisory Group on Citizenship, commissioned by the newly elected Labour government, recommended the introduction of statutory citizenship education. On the twentieth anniversary of the eponymously named ‘Crick Report’, this article presents the findings of a rigorous mixed‐methods study of citizenship educators in the UK. This research suggests that teachers continue to lack a shared understanding of citizenship, conceptually and pedagogically, and also reveals an emphasis amongst teachers upon individualistic notions of good citizenship that are reflective of national, and increasingly global, political discourse. The findings are analysed using a new conceptual framework—the declarative–procedural paradigm—which is developed here to understand the relationship between political and normatively driven visions of democratic citizenship and classroom pedagogy. In doing so the article adds, theoretically and substantively, to the specific research pool of citizenship studies and broader debates about political disengagement. 相似文献
14.
《师资教育杂志》2012,38(2):211-225
Almost a decade ago, the new subject of citizenship was created in the English National Curriculum and several universities were funded to train teachers in this new subject. This presented a rare challenge, namely how to train people to teach a subject that did not exist in schools, and in which they were unlikely to have a specialist degree. In this article we have taken the opportunity afforded by the tenth birthday of the report in which Crick recommended this curriculum reform to reflect on that experience from the perspective of teacher educators. Through reflecting on the case study of citizenship education in England we highlight several themes that are of more general interest to teacher educators. The key issues that have emerged in this case study relate to the general problems of translating central policy into classroom practice; the nature and aims of subjects in the curriculum; and the identities of teachers in secondary schools. The article illustrates how teacher educators responded to the formidable challenge of creating (or at least contributing to) a new subject and a subject community. 相似文献
15.
世界各国面对全球一体化带来的公民身份认同危机,纷纷颁行关于公民教育课程的政策法规,以实现培养合格公民的目标。在这一进程中,英国、澳大利亚、美国、加拿大四国的公民教育课程改革较具代表性。课程目标制定的专业性及明确性、课程资源的可获取性、教师培训的有效性、资金支持的连续性以及课程研究、评估和监督的持续性,成为影响公民教育有效实施的几大决定性因素。 相似文献
16.
This article explores citizenship education's need to focus on both ‘political’ and ‘social’ literacy within a communitarian framework. The Crick Report (1998; see also Lahey, Crick and Porter, 1974), while recognizing that the social dimension of citizenship education was a precondition for both the civic and political dimensions, concentrated largely on ‘political’ literacy. This article examines the social dimension of citizenship education. Concern with the social dimension of the curriculum in schools is not a recent interest, but changes within society have accelerated the social demands made upon schools. At the very least, society expects schools to correct the behaviour of children and to teach them values which usually means insisting on ‘good’ behaviour. The social development of pupils has thus assumed a much greater place in the aspirations of schools. Programmes of personal and social education, together with citizenship education, invariably emphasize a range of social skills and these skills are introduced early and built upon throughout the years of schooling. An individual's sense and ability to make socially productive decisions do not develop by themselves; rather, they require knowledge, values and skills. Above all opportunities are required for children to experience social relations in such a way that they are able to operate critically within value-laden discourses and thereby to become informed and ethically empowered, active citizens. 相似文献
17.
Elaine Unterhalter 《Curriculum Journal》2013,24(1):69-85
The article looks at three approaches to analysing the relationship between education, citizenship and difference that have been evident in the transition to democracy in South Africa. First, it examines the position that education moulds good citizens and overcomes discriminatory differences, which is evident in the South African Education Policy Act. (This position is similar to that expounded in the Crick Report.) Second, it looks at the view that education is an enactment of citizenship and a celebration of difference. This is articulated in the new South African Curriculum 2005, which celebrates the school as just one of a number of learning spaces, but which is only slowly being implemented with considerable difficulty in overcoming deeply entrenched and multifaceted discriminatory views. Third, it looks at the view, articulated in the South African Constitution of 1996, that education is a relatively autonomous space and that in this particular institutional space education, difference and citizenship are in tension. While there is potential for a creative dialogue to emerge in this historically formed space, preliminary research findings indicate how difficult and diffuse the process of transformation is likely to be. 相似文献
18.
CHEN Hongying 《外国教育研究》2008,(12)
内在的文化传统与社会现实是影响国家教育改革效果的深层因素。公民理论的两个重要概念"公民资格"与"公民身份"在英国界定中存在着困扰,君主立宪制、贵族传统是对英国公民教育实施效果产生制约的因素。 相似文献
19.
Jakob Evertsson 《History of education》2015,44(3):259-273
It was in the late nineteenth century that teaching in Sweden’s elementary schools began its transformation from a religious education to a broader, national citizenship education that included history and geography. International research has pointed to a connection between the introduction of school inspections and the reform of public education during this period. In Sweden, however, the practice of inspection has not been explored at any length. This article therefore considers the part played by school inspections in the implementation of a more extensive curriculum in Swedish elementary schools in the period 1860–1900, with a particular focus on the subject of history, using a study of inspection reports from the diocese of Uppsala. It is argued that school inspectors had a key role in initiating reform at the local level, but also that the move towards broader-based citizenship education was not a simple, straightforward process. 相似文献