共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Carola Binder 《Journal of Media Economics》2013,26(4):191-214
ABSTRACTThe effectiveness of monetary policy and political legitimacy of central banks depend on monetary policymakers ability to communicate through the media. The literature on monetary policy communication remains disconnected from relevant research in communication and media studies. This article uses a new database of Federal Reserve communication events merged with a database of 310,565 news stories to analyze the prominence and distribution of coverage of the Fed and the response of coverage to communication events. 相似文献
2.
Marco Calavita 《The Communication Review》2013,16(1):23-43
Using cultural studies and media ecology perspectives, I analyze data collected from 15 Generation Xers about how they remember and understand the roles played by family and news media in the development of their politics-what is usually referred to as political socialization. This study suggests that news media are understood best not as discrete agents of influence, but rather as environments within which individuals develop politically. It finds that news media are of subtle-but-fundamentally powerful ecological importance, not just because news media engagement interrelates with, and takes place in the context of, institutions and phenomena like the family, but because all aspects of the larger culture and society-including family-are themselves shaped by mass media. Future scholarship should denote and more fully explore this fruitful tension between the cultural studies theorization of subjectivity and agency, and the media ecology theorization of media as environments with structuring biases. 相似文献
3.
ABSTRACT This experiment (N= 476) investigates how individuals evaluate political candidates who use informal communication on social media. We use expectancy violations theory (EVT) to predict that informal communication will lead to negative evaluations. Our results suggest that politicians’ use of informal communication on social media leads to expectancy violation, which decreases perceived credibility and lessens intention to support a candidate. This effect was not moderated by sex (male versus female) or age (young versus old) of the candidate, nor of participants being the same sex as the candidate. These findings suggest that political figures should use informal communication on social media with caution. 相似文献
4.
自20世纪媒介技术迅猛发展以来,对于媒介的认识和争论一直没有停止,传播学和媒介研究也正是在此背景下不断发展前行。上世纪六十、七十年代媒介研究范式变革时期,鲍德里亚与恩岑斯贝格两位思想家就媒介理论的基本认识展开一场争论,秉持法兰克福学派传统的恩岑斯贝格在法国"五月风暴"的氤氲下推进本雅明的技术文化理论,发展出了意识工业概念,对于思考媒介理论的合法性问题具有重要意义;对于鲍德里亚来说,媒介技术的"进化",实为一种拟真替代本真的社会交往,以媒介技术为中介的传播活动中,最终将导致人的本真缺失,因而宣告传统媒介理论已失去解释力。本文认为,这两个看似不在一个水平线上的对话实则包含了媒介理论研究的两种路径,即作为生产工具的技术论与作为传播工具的文化论。当我们在回顾和梳理鲍德里亚和恩岑斯贝格的争论时,需要从媒介化社会的视角来重新审视媒介理论的技术论和文化论之间的平衡。 相似文献
5.
《Journalism Practice》2013,7(7):781-798
ABSTRACTOnline media have transformed the political news landscapes, changing not only professional journalistic practices but also the way in which citizens participate in political communication. In the debate about the impact of the Internet on democratic practices, some scholars emphasize the potential of digital media platforms to establish a medium for deliberative and inclusive democratic participation, whereas others underline the development of fragmented “echo chambers” driven by the interests of mainstream news organizations. We point to an alternative scenario in which online political communication develops in the direction of “participatory populism”, involving an unrepresentative group of users actively engaging in the delegitimization of democratic institutions. This engagement results in a collective voice that expresses high levels of negativity towards mainstream democratic politics. Through a study of user comments relating to the 2014 European Parliament election in Germany and the UK, we show how commenters express predominantly negative views towards not just the EU but also national government and mainstream opposition parties. We find, however, that the relationship between user comments and news platforms is highly contextualized. The nature of the relationship between comments and news platforms across countries thus warrants further investigation. 相似文献
6.
《Communication Teacher》2013,27(1):63-70
Courses: Mass Communication and Public Opinion, Political CommunicationObjectives: Often, there are media events (e.g., local and national elections, the Super Bowl) that match up with what we hope to accomplish in a particular class. The purpose of this semester-length project for students was threefold: (1) to read and comprehend literature related to communication studies, media, and political strategy; (2) to collect and analyze data; and (3) to participate in civic engagement by taking part in Presidential DebateWatch events, both as an audience member and through the use of Twitter. 相似文献
7.
Louise Woodstock 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2016,33(5):399-408
ABSTRACTStuart Hall’s “Encoding/decoding” essay sparked an on-going focus in media studies on reception and audience studies that remains theoretically robust today. Hall’s insight that audience members decode media content in multiple ways, some in line with the dominant cultural ideology and some resistant to that ideology, illuminates the phenomenon of media resistance. Media resisters significantly limit their media consumption and they do so based on their decodings of media culture—decodings, or readings, that resist normative messages about commercialism and consumption, about the natural diffusion and inherent benefits of mobile technologies and social media, and about the political landscape depicted and generated by news media. Hall’s encoding/decoding model is expanded here to include not only audiences’ decodings of specific content, but of media culture broadly. Concerns about media culture in the aggregate lead to media resisters’ practices of limiting media engagement, practices themselves that are counter hegemonic. 相似文献
8.
ABSTRACTWhen Stuart Hall and his Birmingham School colleagues argued that media technologies were essential to the production of moral panics, they focused on the relationship between mass media and the state. Because new technologies have altered our cultures of ostracism and punishment, we offer a revised analysis of this relationship that examines the role of online shaming in current moral panics. Not only do we analyze the new technological affordances of digital media, we argue that our current shaming culture is symptomatic of a deep-seated political disenfranchisement that leaves subjects grasping to “do something.” Contributing to a social media-driven panic culture that punishes and ostracizes deviants thus stands in for meaningful political participation. Ultimately, we argue that the evolving orientation to public life fostered by these new technologies has created a culture of shaming whereby citizens often prosecute their own discrete moral panics amid the more sustained sense of political crisis that characterizes contemporary life. 相似文献
9.
Mike Gruszczynski 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(3):378-402
Although the theory of agenda-setting is a pillar of political communication research, understanding the dynamics of public attention remains an important challenge as the communication system becomes increasingly fragmented. The development of ideologically oriented niche media and the ability of the mainstream media to carefully track the interests of their audience suggest that both public interest and niche media attention to an issue could affect the mainstream media’s agenda itself. We develop and test the theory of agenda-uptake to isolate when mainstream media influences both public and niche media attention to issues and when public interest and niche media attention influence the mainstream media to cover an issue. Analyzing mainstream and niche media coverage along with Google Trends individual search data for 4 issues in 2008, we provide evidence that the dynamics of agenda-uptake are crucial to understanding the character and content of the information environment in the 21st century. 相似文献
10.
Andrew Rojecki 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):152-171
Post-cold war theories of the press and foreign policy have noted a new, less consistent relationship between political and media elites. Political communication scholars have developed three general models in response, but these do not seem to map well to press coverage of the anti-globalization movement that has emerged in recent years. This paper argues for a new theory of the press and oppositional politics in an environment that has altered the equilibrium between media, political elites, and interest groups. The new political environment results from three principal causes: the erosion of state sovereignty over the political economy, the elimination of the Soviet system as a rhetorical resource for movement critics, and new information technologies that alter movement structure and thus increase its resilience. Analysis of two streams of media content, news and editorial, on the protests at the 1999 meetings of the World Trade Organization reveals an anomalous reversal for received theories of media and elite power in the way the mainstream press covers movement politics. 相似文献
11.
Gabriel Weimann Nirit Weiss-Blatt Germaw Mengistu Maya Mazor Tregerman Ravid Oren 《Mass Communication and Society》2014,17(6):803-829
It is hard to imagine a more challenging arena for communication research than that presented by new media and their impact on our society. We have witnessed the fastest evolution in communication technology in human history and, along with it, the evolution of communication conceptions and theories used to assess its impact. More than a decade has passed since Chaffee and Metzger first published their intriguing article “The End of Mass Communication?” and suggested that the new media will change the notions of mass communication and, as a result, the theories used in communication research. Today, we know more about new media and its effect on communication, society, and communication theories. The present article, therefore, sets out to reassess Chaffee and Metzger's claim by describing the development of several core theories of communication research, namely the agenda-setting theory and the notions of media audiences and the Digital Divide, in light of the new media. Our review shows that the role played by communication technologies in social, cultural, political, and economic processes is as central and influential in the new media era as it was in traditional media environment and that, although theories may change to accommodate the changes of the new media environment, researchers are still dealing with the “old” issues of power and resistance, and structure and ownership. 相似文献
12.
Nilufer Turksoy 《Journalism Practice》2020,14(4):499-514
ABSTRACTA large body of literature in representational studies reflects a deep professional concern over the negative effect of the role of the media in representing significant Others. Western media's coverage of an international event, in this case, a football competition, raises some ethical questions about the choice of specific lexical items and textual contents. Drawing on the work of Stuart Hall's representation theory, this article examines how Turkey, a nation located on the semi-periphery of Europe, is represented in Western media outlets. By looking at the role that sections of the British sports press plays in their construction of the Turkish national identity, I evaluate the Euro 2016 and Euro 2004 reporting of the UEFA European Championship qualifying matches between Turkey and England. I apply a combination of lexical and narrative analysis, and I question the way that Turkey is represented in the British sport texts. The style and language used in the presentation of football games reveals that British media outlets are prone to present England's politically and economically powerful position, and its cultural superiority over Turkey. Findings also suggest that the discourse of the “West and the Rest” is alive in the modern world. 相似文献
13.
[目的/意义]为了解传统媒体微博与新媒体微博信息传播规律与特征的差异,识别各类型媒体微博中具有高度影响力的媒体微博节点,以促进媒体微博的全面发展。[方法/过程]研究基于社会网络理论,选取新浪微博中的传统媒体微博及新媒体微博各50个作为研究样本,测度其社会网络结构特征,比较分析两者的信息传播规律。[结果/结论]研究发现,传统媒体微博和新媒体微博网络整体均较为紧密,且传统媒体微博高于新媒体微博;信息在传统媒体微博网络中的传播较新媒体微博更为便利,信息转移效率更高,网络节点之间的整体凝聚性更强;传统媒体微博中纸质媒体微博在地位上占据绝对优势,而新媒体微博中各类型媒体微博则相对发展均衡;新媒体微博权利更为集中,呈现两极分化状态,而传统媒体微博则更为均衡。 相似文献
14.
Lindita Camaj 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):634-654
This study expands the consequences of agenda-setting theory beyond political attitudes, arguing its significance as a mediator between media use and political participation. The results suggest that citizens learn from the media about the efficacy and integrity of political institutions, and their performance on key issues. Consequently, the information acquired through news media becomes an important factor for trust formation and participation in different forms of political actions, which are not limited to electoral activities. The implications of these results for democracy building are discussed. 相似文献
15.
16.
《Communication Teacher》2013,27(4):196-200
Courses: This single class activity would be most useful in interpersonal, family, gender/sexuality communication, or research methods courses. This activity facilitates better discussion in a small or seminar-style class with students who have had pervious exposure to or who are in the process of learning about interpersonal communication theory or research methods.Objectives: The goals for this activity are to (a) practice data analysis utilizing a specific theory, (b) identify the presence of relational frames and judgments to become more familiar with the interpersonal dimensions of coming-out interactions, (c) appreciate a multiplicity of data interpretations through the practice of group coding, and (d) practice evaluating the quality of data interpretations. 相似文献
17.
《Communication Teacher》2013,27(1):35-42
Courses: Communication and civic participation course; rhetorical theory, political communication, leadership Objective: Students will explore citizenship through role models and story-telling 相似文献
18.
以布迪厄的场域理论为出发点,基于对南方Z市政务微信编辑的深度访谈,本文研究认为,政务微信生产实践宜理解为新闻场域与政治场域两种文化逻辑之间的融合与冲突,理解为其间各行动主体之间的博弈。具体地,政务微信的融合形态有四,即,"忠"且"传","忠"而不"传","不忠"而"传","不忠"且"不传"。融合中的冲突性元素源于各自相异的场域逻辑,显现为融合中的行动主体--行政领导与微信编辑--在投入与效果、有为与无为、代际差异三方面的博弈。不过,两大场域在目标上可能的一致性,即,政治安全前提下的市场致效,使得政务新媒体仍存在有机融合的空间。基于此,本文尝试性地将我国政务新媒体实践概括为"博弈性融合"。 相似文献
19.
Jörg Haßler 《Journalism Practice》2014,8(3):326-341
One aspect of the mediatization of politics is the idea that political actors adapt to the communication logic of news media to gain, for example, news media attention. Currently, this process may be influenced by the diffusion of the internet as a political communication channel, especially because online communication provides a new opportunity for political actors to communicate directly with citizens. Thus far, the adaptation to media logic by political parties has mainly been examined in the context of election campaigns. In order to transfer these findings to regular political communication, this study compares the use of media logic in the mass media and in direct political communication channels online and offline about the United Nations Climate Change Conferences 2011 and 2012. A quantitative content analysis of the conference protocols (input) and the presentation of the conference results in the seven most frequently used German offline news outlets (print and TV) and their online counterparts, as well as political offline and online communication channels like parliamentary speeches and websites of the six parties represented in the German parliament (output), was conducted. Results show that in the context of regular political communication, political actors seem to follow media logic to a lesser extent than in the context of election campaigns. Thus far, the influence of online communication on the mediatization of politics seems to be rather marginal. The causes and consequences of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
20.
Alberto Ardèvol-Abreu Matthew Barnidge Homero Gil de Zúñiga 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(2):169-191
Although much attention has been paid to how media use and interpersonal discussion motivate people to engage in political persuasion, and despite recent efforts to study the role of digital media technologies, less is known about the creation of news and public affairs content online. This study sheds light on how online content creation works alongside other communicative behaviors, such as news use and political discussion, to affect attempted political persuasion. Using two-wave panel survey data, we find that political discussion and citizen news creation mediate the relationships between online and traditional news use, on one hand, and attempted persuasion, on the other. Furthermore, strength of partisanship moderates the relationship between content creation and attempted persuasion. Findings are discussed in light of their implications for the political communication and public sphere processes. 相似文献