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1.
Bryce T. McIntyre 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(1):126-135
This study demonstrates for the first time that a newspaper's political orientation is a principal factor used by readers to locate its position in the marketplace. The findings have concrete implications for editors and publishers in Southeast Asia, where newspapers are often aligned with political organizations. The study uses data collected in Hong Kong to create a perceptual map of Hong Kong newspapers. In Hong Kong, there are 25 dailies serving a population of 6 million. Newspaper readership is high. The newspapers span the political spectrum from ultra‐left to ultra‐right. When data were collected for this study, some newspapers were controlled by the Kuomintang of Taiwan, others by the Chinese Communist Party of the People's Republic of China. This study selected eight newspapers whose political orientations had been clearly established by previous research. Some 990 respondents estimated the distance between 28 pairs of newspapers. These ‘perception data’ were pure similarity/dissimilarity measures. Factor analysis and multidimensional scaling both reveal a clear political dimension to the resultant perceptual maps. The study also includes an overview of the contemporary partisan press in Hong Kong. 相似文献
2.
This paper discusses the establishment of overseas editions by some Hong Kong newspapers under the context of the upcoming political transition of Hong Kong in 1997. These overseas editions are viewed as econo‐cultural spin‐off to tap the ‘yacht immigrants’ outflowing from Hong Kong. Various factors involved in the establishment of these overseas editions, as well as their effects and implications are also explored. The Ming Pao's recently established Canada editions are chosen as a case to contrast with the earlier established Sing Tao and World Journal. 相似文献
3.
Marginalized from the center of power, women in Hong Kong maybe particularly vulnerable to the future political transition,as the territory prepares for an exchange from British to Chineserule. How do women feel about the impending changes in HongKong? According to results from a recent (April 1993) representativetelephone survey in Hong Kong (n = 502), women are less likelyto have faith in the political future of Hong Kong than men.Moreover, this relationship between gender and political cynicismbecomes more pronounced when controlling for socio-economicstatus and is more intensive among persons in their middle years.Contrary to expectations, exposure to newspapers does not encouragedistrust, but instead appears to be associated with less cynicismof the future transition, at least among men. Women, on theother hand, are less likely to be susceptible to press coverage.In a context in which political transition is pending, suchas in Hong Kong, it is imperative to attempt to understand theevolution and disintegration of political cynicism, particularlyamong those who may be vulnerable to political change. 相似文献
4.
Francis L. F. Lee 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):132-151
Opinion polling has become a common feature in news and public discourse in Hong Kong. This study examines how local newspapers cover popularity polls about the government and its leaders. It is hypothesized that newspapers adhering to different journalistic paradigms would cover such popularity polls differently in terms of the inclusion of methodological information, use of news sources, emphasis on negative versus positive results, treatment of polls conducted by different entities, and use of visual means of representations. A content analysis was conducted on four newspapers which represent the professionalism, populism, and propaganda paradigms, respectively. The results show that there are both similarities and differences in the poll coverage of the newspapers, with the differences mostly corresponding to the differences in journalistic paradigms. The results also point to a number of phenomena about news media in Hong Kong and poll reporting in general. 相似文献
5.
Bo Li 《Media History》2013,19(3):270-283
The early twentieth century witnessed both the thriving of Chinese newspapers in the British colony Hong Kong and the boom of Chinese translation of foreign literature. This article, through the translated literature in Chinese newspapers, explores the interaction among print media, Chinese women, and translation in the early twentieth century Hong Kong. It argues that many factors contributed to the prevailing ideology concerning women in the British colony, including the skewed sex ratio, Confucianism as the hegemonic ideology, and the conspiracy between elite Chinese and the colonial rulers, and thus that the manipulation of images of women in Chinese translations was ideologically motivated. Such pervasive ideology characteristic of Hong Kong at that given moment in history undoubtedly created pressures on the translators, which were exacerbated by the difference in the construction of the images of women in the English original and its Chinese translated counterparts. 相似文献
6.
英国殖民统治香港一个半世纪,在香港颁布了大量新闻法规。香港新闻法制的演变大致分成四个阶段,第一阶段是起步期,从1841年到1900年英国奠定殖民统治香港基本格局后,建立了以注册监管为主体的新闻法律制度。第二阶段是发展期,从1900年到1945年二次世界大战结束,制订了有关以内容监管为主体的新闻法规。第三阶段是延续期,从1945年英国恢复对香港殖民统治到1985年《中英联合声明》正式生效前,进一步延续了有关新闻内容监管法规的制订。第四阶段是调整期,从1985年到1997年香港回归祖国前,港英当局为掩盖殖民专制本质,为香港平稳过渡设置障碍,调整和放松了有关新闻媒体管制的法令法规。港英政府的新闻法制建设始终是其殖民统治体制的延伸,但客观上也表现出了积极性的一面。 相似文献
7.
A deliberative democracy calls for citizens who are well informed about a diverse range of public issues and a media system that shapes the public agenda for deliberation and consensus building. However, with the current proliferation of a high-choice media environment, citizens can engage in partisan selective exposure by only consuming news that matches their own political attitudes and dispositions. This study examines two under-researched effects of partisan selective exposure: (1) the reduction in the number of societal issues that individuals consider important (i.e., nominal agenda diversity) and (2) the reduction in the variety of issues (i.e., thematic agenda diversity). A national survey was conducted in Hong Kong, a transitional democracy with a highly partisan media environment. The results showed that although reading more newspapers is positively related to nominal agenda diversity and thematic agenda diversity, citizens who receive their news only from partisan newspapers are less likely to be interested in a range of public issues and are less able to name pressing societal issues. Moreover, both nominal and thematic diversities predicted political participation, though not political discussion. The findings provide supporting evidence that partisan selective exposure can lead to a fragmented public agenda. 相似文献
8.
Lars Willnat 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):47-67
This study analyses the impact of perceptions of the opinions of others on political outspokenness in Hong Kong. Based on the results of two representative telephone surveys conducted in Hong Kong in 1993 and 1995, the spiral of silence theory is tested in the context of public opinion regarding the Sino‐British dispute over Hong Kong's political future and the 1995 Legislative Council election. As hypothesized, respondents in both surveys were more willing to voice their political opinions publicly when they perceived the majority opinion to be on their side, or when they perceived a trend in support of their own political viewpoint. However, this effect was observed only for respondents who were not much concerned about either issue. People's political outspokenness was primarily boosted by higher issue salience, more exposure and attention to television news and news magazines, and higher political interest and efficacy. 相似文献
9.
Adopting a communication mediation approach, this study explores the role of overall social networking service (SNS) use in facilitating people’s participation in collective political action through the mediation of online and offline political discussions. The study also underscores the moderating effect on the mediation process of both social identity and geographical origin. Moderated mediation analyses reveal that the positive impact of overall SNS use on participation mediated by offline discussion is stronger for people with higher Hong Kong identity and for people from Hong Kong. This moderated mediation model specifies the socio-psychological mechanism of participation in collective political action in an immigrant society such as Hong Kong. 相似文献
10.
The disappearance of Malaysian Airline Flight MH370 attracted high media attention across countries. To explore how news media outlets influence each other in transnational settings, this study focuses on the coverage of MH370 by three major newspapers in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong, and examines the inter-media agenda-setting effect as an indicator of media’s mutual influence. A content analysis of 255 news articles revealed significant correlations among the issue agendas of the 3 newspapers, suggesting the existence of reciprocal, though asymmetrical, influence among the news media in the U.S., China, and Hong Kong. The findings also suggest that news media differ in power and that news media in high-power countries play a key role in shaping the global news agenda. 相似文献
11.
Anthony Y.H. Fung 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):18-46
Political groups have long existed in Hong Kong since 1949. The ‘consultative government’ was hostile towards groups which were critical of government policies. Before the 1980s, in a minimally‐integrated media‐political system, mass media, in compliance with the government served to undermine their legitimacy. Party politics and political parties were framed as ‘dirty polities’. However, the move towards a representative government since the 1980s in face of the power transfer to China, together with the 4 June incident, have transformed the public's stance towards the newly established democratic groups. In response to the changing public opinion, the media started in the late 1980s to give consent to the emergence of party politics in the democratic system. In the first direct Legislative Council in 1991, mass media ‘incorporated’ party politics as part the local political system. 相似文献
12.
Hong Kong has always been regarded as a critical region of Cultural China. Surprisingly, traditional Chinese medicine has not yet been accepted as legitimate in the city. This study uses acupuncture as a case to investigate the way media texts work to organize a field of knowledge and practices about health in a post-colonial society where contrasting perspectives and hybrid ideas rooted from the East and the West intermingle. Acupuncture is conceptualized as socially constructed health knowledge that has become increasingly legitimate in media discourse. Through a mixed-method approach that combines discourse and content analysis, a total of 666 news articles related to acupuncture published in two Hong Kong newspapers over a 10-year period were analyzed. Three major forms of discursive construction of legitimation – authorization, rationalization, and moral evaluation – were identified and elaborated in association with the texts and the social contexts. This study reveals a complex process of generating legitimacy for health knowledge through news narratives. 相似文献
13.
Joseph Man Chan 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):134-167
This paper first analyses the communication research environment in Hong Kong in regard to its socio‐political context, the media industry and more direct factors such as research freedom, financial‐institutional support, incentives, size and quality of trained personnel While the overall environment is facilitative, the small size of the research community in Hong Kong is limiting the volume of research output and scope of specialization. In reviewing researches in the last decade, it is found that commercial researches are generally more concerned about opinion distribution and media consumption. Government policy researches‐centre around media evaluations, preferences, programme standards and other regulatory issues. Academics pay most attention to political communication, international communication and, less so, information technology. As to future research, the author argues for more frequent use of longitudinal and comparative methods, the search for an original theoretical contribution to communication, an urban research agenda in development communication, the study of dependent communication development, interaction between mass media and political formation, regional cultural integration, advertising, media management, information technology and policy. The establishment of a communication policy forum is also called for to promote exchanges among academics, policy‐makers, media practitioners and interest groups. The expansion of the research community in Hong Kong hinges on successful faculty recruitment, the establishment of a doctoral communication programme and the relief of some staffs teaching overload. 相似文献
14.
香港的报纸煽情味越来越浓烈 ,逐渐弱化了“社会公器”的功能 ,更多的是为商业利益所驱动 ,这种功能与利益的冲突产生的原因在于固守产生于自由主义哲学观基础上的新闻自由观、一味迎合读者的感官刺激需求、把报纸当作单纯的赚钱工具 相似文献
15.
Adopting the Orientation–Stimuli–Reasoning–Orientation–Response (O–S–R–O–R) model of political communication effects, this study examines the mediating roles of online/offline political discussion and political trust on the relationship between social media information seeking and online/offline political participation in China and Hong Kong. Findings through structural equation modeling showed that the relationship between information seeking and online participation was mediated by online discussion for both samples. Moreover, the relationship between information seeking and offline participation was mediated by offline discussion, and offline discussion mediated the relationship between information seeking and online participation. Political trust did not mediate any of the relationships in China and Hong Kong and all significant paths involving political trust were negative. Implications of the findings for youth political participation in China and Hong Kong are discussed. 相似文献
16.
Qiaolei Jiang 《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(6):888-909
The modern Olympic Games have been regarded as vehicles for governments to use elite athletes to promote soft power agendas and build national cohesion. Adopting textual analysis, the present study examined the global sports events within a specific sociocultural context, by analyzing and comparing the reportage of 2008 and 2012 Summer Olympics in four Hong Kong newspapers. All the news articles were probed to discern pervading themes regarding the Olympic champions as celebrities, and three discursive formations were identified: national heroes, rags-to-riches figures, and stars in the entertainment industry. The findings make visible both the instances that nurture the perception of national identity and Hong Kong media's alternative responses to the party-state's propaganda. Although the Olympics can play a positive role in articulating national pride and fostering national identity, the study also shows the complexities of the construction of Chinese nationalism and patriotism in postcolonial Hong Kong. 相似文献
17.
港台学术机构知识库的调查与分析 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
对香港和台湾地区学术机构知识库的建设状况进行整体调查,在对其进行详细分析的基础上从宏观上探讨了港台地区学术机构知识库的发展特点,提出了大陆地区可资借鉴的措施。 相似文献
18.
MASS MEDIA AND POLITICAL OUTSPOKENNESS IN HONG KONG: LINKING THE THIRD-PERSON EFFECT AND THE SPIRAL OF SILENCE 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
This study analyzes the impact of perceptions of the opinionsof others on political outspokenness in Hong Kong. Two relatedtheories, the third-person effect and the spiral of silence,are tested in the context of public opinion regarding the Sino-Britishdispute over Hong Kong's political future. To estimate the potentialinfluence of perceived public opinion on political outspokennessduring this political crisis, a representative telephone surveyof 660 respondents in Hong Kong was conducted in November 1993. As hypothesized by the third-person effect, perceptions of theinfluence of media reports about the Sino-British dispute onothers were found to be consistently greater than perceptionsof influence on self. Similar to previous findings, respondentswith a higher level of education were more likely to believethat the mass media influence others more than themselves. Thestudy also found empirical support for the spiral of silencehypothesis. Politically unconcerned respondents were less willingto voice their political opinions publicly when they perceivedthe majority opinion not to be on their side. Findings alsoindicate that the third-person effect indirectly influencesthe spiral of silence process through its impact on perceptionsof public opinion. 相似文献
19.
This paper examines the media system of Hong Kong from a socio‐cultural perspective. It proposes to analyse five major factors that determine a media system, namely, political structure, economic structure, media proprietors’ culture, media practitioners’ culture, and audience's culture. Interactions of these five factors result in four ideal‐type media systems. They are: Type I, Free System; Type II, Relatively Free System; Type III, Relatively Repressive System; and Type IV, Repressive System. Analysed in this context, the present media situation in Hong Kong can be considered to be a relatively free system. However, it is also observed that the media system in Hong Kong is likely to become a relatively repressive system after 1997. The paper further suggests that the socio‐cultural model developed here can be used for cross‐cultural comparison. 相似文献
20.
香港的传媒、政治和社会变迁 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
回归后的香港存在着影响传媒表现和运作的众多因素,本文认为再国族化、国际化和本土化是一个有助于分析香港传媒和政治变迁的框架,并以此框架分析了近两年来香港传媒如何响应重大社会和政治事件。在传媒和权力结构之间的关系外,香港的社会和经济转变等非非政治性的社会变迁也影响着香港传媒的发展。 相似文献