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1.
文章简要介绍了类型化的思维方式,并将其运用于著作权权利类型和制度构建中,分析了著作人格权与财产权二分类型面临的困境,提出了著作人格权和财产权去类型化的观点,建议以传播权为中心重构著作权类型,并指出了其制度构建意义. 相似文献
2.
论著作权转让的特点及界限 总被引：4，自引：0，他引：4
一、著作权转让的概念 著作权的转让,是指著作权人将作品著作财产权中的一项、几项或全部转让给受让人,从而使受让人成为该作品一项、几项或全部著作财产权新权利人的法律行为.著作权的转让,其实质是著作财产权的转让. 相似文献
3.
无主著作财产权的归属涉及国家公共政策目标的实现,著作权的公共政策意蕴不仅涉及文化教育政策,同时关乎国家产业政策;著作权制度是一种激励制度,其内在激励机制从实现文化教育方面的公共政策而言,不仅惠及创作者,同时惠及传播者;从实现促进文化产业发展方面的公共政策而言,这种激励还影响到国家文化产业的国际竞争力。因此,在《著作权法》的修改中,对于《著作权法》第十九条关于无主著作财产权归属的确定应更为全面地结合公共政策进行考量。 相似文献
4.
西方国家的著作人身权制度 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
著作人身权,在英美法系国家中称为Moral Rights,中文译为“精神权利”。《伯尔尼公约》的英文文本使用了“Moral Rights”一语。德文直译为“作者人格权”,日本著作权法称之为“著作人格权”,俄罗斯1993年著作权使用的名称是“人身权利”,意大利著作权法则将“作者人格权”与“ 相似文献
5.
《出版科学》2016,24(3):64-64
推荐理由与多数“著作权批判”流于口号的道德审判或是只破不立的口舌之快不同,李琛教授以缜密而隽永的学术笔调,对著作权制度的正当性、功能、对象和性质等基本理论进行细密客观的历史还原和检视反思。本书的贡献在于建设性批判,“不唯书,只唯实”的立场贯穿始终。无论是质疑“鼓励创造”功能说还是反思“人格权”性质论,作者都不是简单化的逻辑归谬或全盘否定,而是还原错位观念进入主流话语的复杂背景与社会动因,从而完成对理论的解构与重建。如在作者看来,“鼓励创造说”最大问题在于遮盖了著作权“分配市场利益”的功能本质,其道德煽动性造成对现实的压制与扭曲,阻碍各国的自主选择与网络环境下的制度变通。同样,只有认清“著作人格权”的本质是法律建构中的观念拟制,与一般人格权不同,著作权制度才能摆脱理论枷锁,成为有生命力的活制度。 相似文献
6.
一、著作人格权的含义和特征 著作权中的精神权利(Moral Right)是最能反映知识产权不同于其他民商事权利的人格权(Right of Personality)特征的,也是最能集中反映作为知识产权的精神权利之内容的. 相似文献
7.
分析了《俄罗斯著作权与邻接权法》及《俄罗斯民法典》对电子图书馆建设的影响,主要体现在:法律对图书馆间资源共享时产生的数字化复本限于图书馆内使用且应能被清除的规定。探讨了俄罗斯法律界与图书馆界对电子图书馆建设由于著作权强化保护而受到制约的讨论,如法律调整复杂性增大、著作权制度限制电子图书馆与现行法律相矛盾等。文章基于中俄两国数字图书馆建设与发展中在时间和知识产权保护压力等方面的相似性,结合俄罗斯针对电子图书馆著作权问题的解决思路与措施,提出我国应采取的对策,如:国家在宏观上应高度重视数字图书馆建设及其著作问题的解决、制定和实施图书馆法为解决数字图书馆著作权问题提供法律依据和保障、图书馆与著作权集体管理组织合作等。 相似文献
8.
从本质上看,著作权是一种通过控制作品的传播,获得经济利益的权利。网络著作权侵权现象在现代社会日益严重,互联网环境下的著作权问题和与之相关的制度困境已经成为制约我国互联网产业持续发展和我国著作权法制度完善的重要因素。网络著作侵权保护问题的研究刻不容缓．本文对构建新的网络著作权保护体系以及著作权公诉保护制度进行探讨。 相似文献
9.
图书馆业务与复制权的保护 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
一、复制权与图书馆业务的关系根据我国《著作权法》第十条规定,复制权是著作财产权中的一项权利,一般是指复制作品的权利。复制权是作者首要的基本的专有权利,作者行使著作权(版权)亦集中体现在复制权上,因为复制是使作品能够广泛传播和使用的重要手段。当然, 相似文献
10.
无主著作财产权:国有还是公有?——从《我的前半生》的权属争议到我国《著作权法》的修改 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
作者或其他权利人(包括自然人、法人或其他组织)死亡或终止之后,其所拥有的保护期尚未结束的著作权(或邻接权)中的财产权如果无人继承、遗赠或承受,属于本文所谓"无主著作财产权". 相似文献
11.
In line with recent efforts to increase the representation of women in the field of computing and information technology (I.T.), the National Center for Women and Information Technology has spearheaded an occupational branding campaign that seeks to encourage more women to enter this field. We use this campaign as a case study to investigate how representations of work in an occupational branding campaign (“official branding discourse”) compare with the ways in which practitioners represent this work (“unofficial branding discourse”). Through our analysis, we show that whereas the official branding discourse represents computing and I.T. as a field where women are valued, unofficial branding discourse represents this field as hostile to women. We then propose three avenues through which these contradictions can be managed: (1) acknowledging the challenges expressed by practitioners, while simultaneously discussing how to foster a more inclusive occupational culture, (2) changing the primary goal of the campaign from increasing the number of women in computing and I.T. to making the culture of computing and I.T. less hostile, and (3) committing fewer resources into organized branding campaigns and more resources into direct organizational interventions that seek to make work environments inclusive. 相似文献
12.
Anna Cornelia Fahey 《Critical Studies in Media Communication》2013,30(2):132-150
French leaders met the September 2002 announcement of preemptive U.S. military action in Iraq with open disapproval. Thereafter, in the build-up to the “Iraq war,” as U.S. military strikes began in 2003 and continued in 2004, France became the target of nationalistic attacks in the United States. Building on this anti-French sentiment, George W. Bush's 2004 presidential campaign used narratives that cast Frenchness as feminine, assigning “Frenchness” to Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry—and thereby characterizing him as unfit for the White House. Specifically, political conservatives sought to strip Kerry of the masculine qualities perceived necessary to serve as president of the United States. Analysis of American political and media discourse from September 2002 to November 2004 shows that the 2004 presidential campaign came to be defined in substantial part by nationalistic and sexist political communications that capitalized upon and reinscribed patterns and norms of hegemonic masculinity while also feminizing and devaluing dissent in times of war. 相似文献
13.
在信息时代新兴技术工具的支持下,创新制造者——＂创客＂在＂创客空间＂中形成独特的＂创客文化＂,并发起＂创客运动＂。由于＂创客文化＂与现代图书馆所倡导的多元与共享理念相似,因而逐渐被引入公共图书馆领域。论文以上海图书馆＂创·新空间＂为例,分析了其在功能、布局、资源和服务等方面的特点,显示其在共享多元化创意资源、培养创新制造人才、传播＂创客文化＂等方面具有的积极意义。 相似文献
14.
论文对“读吧!新加坡”阅读推广运动进行了基本情况介绍,分析其在主题设置、组织宣传、内容形式、推广服务等方面的特色,针对我国当前高校阅读推广不足现状,以“读吧!新加坡”为借鉴,探讨了高校图书馆在思想、行动、机制、角色等方面的具体阅读推广举措。 相似文献
15.
The effects of new communication technologies on election campaigns, and the effectiveness of media-centered campaign strategies more broadly, remain ongoing subjects for debate in political science. This study provides some of the first empirical evidence about the potential impact of social media on the 2012 U.S. presidential elections, by testing the association between “candidate salience” and the candidates' level of engagement in online social media sphere. We define “candidate salience” as the extent to which candidates are discussed online by the public in an election campaign, and have selected the number of mentions presidential candidates receive on the social media site, Twitter, as means of quantifying their salience. This strategy allows us to examine whether social media, which is widely recognized as disruptive in the broader economic and social domains, has the potential to change the traditional dynamics of U.S. election campaigns. We find that while social media does substantially expand the possible modes and methods of election campaigning, high levels of social media activity on the part of presidential candidates have, as of yet, resulted in minimal effects on the amount of public attention they receive online. 相似文献
16.
This study examines whether or not attention to campaign newsinfluences political trust. It also explores whether politicaltrust predicts attention to campaign news, and whether the mechanismof influence between attention to campaign news and politicaltrust differs across educational levels. Political trust wasoperationalized as trust in government. The 1992 American NationalElection Survey data were used. Results of two-stage least squaresanalysis show that attention to television campaign coveragereduced trust in government, while a low level of trust in governmentincreased attention to newspaper campaign coverage. More importantly,the mechanism of influence between political trust and attentionto campaign coverage differed across educational levels. Amongthe less educated, attention to campaign coverage on televisionled to lower levels of trust. Among the more educated, a lowlevel of trust in government increased attention to campaigncoverage. The findings also indicate that the types of media(television vs. newspapers) matter when it comes to media effectson political trust, Implications of findings on the relationshipsbetween the concepts of political trust, vigilant skepticism,education, and media use are discussed. 相似文献
17.
Based on a statewide telephone survey before the 2004 presidential election, this study probes Ohioans' attention to and perception of campaign advertising and the perceived effects of those negative political ads. Citizens in this “battleground” state had a very high level of awareness of campaign advertising, characterizing it as more negative than in the past. Self-reported attention to the campaign and measured use of local and national television news were related to perceived campaign negativity. Evidence of a third-person effect regarding a specific type of negative advertising was found. However, the effect was moderated by candidate choice. 相似文献
18.
In this article we explore the use of the #SaveDonbassPeople hashtag in the context of an online protest campaign against the military operation in Eastern Ukraine. The campaign was initiated by anti-government activists, but soon became contested by supporters of the Ukrainian government, turning Twitter into an online battleground. Our findings suggest that in the course of the campaign, Twitter was predominantly used as a propaganda outlet to broadcast opposing views on the ongoing conflict. 相似文献
19.
《College & Undergraduate Libraries》2013,20(1-2):19-33
Abstract Academic libraries do not often launch public relations campaigns. However, recent changes and enhancements at the Geoffrey R. Weller Library at the University of Northern British Columbia prompted librarians to embark on a public awareness campaign built upon the “@ your library” framework. The campaign featured multiple strategies, including posters, displays, brochures, newspaper ads, and giveaways. The goal of the campaign was to break away from the stereotypical image of the library as a research necessity, and show it instead as the beating heart of the University. The campaign is evaluated and the continued need for marketing and promotion of academic library services is examined. 相似文献
20.
William L. Benoit 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(4):319-325
This study investigates the relationship between attacks and defenses in political debates. Being the target of an attack provides a candidate with opportunity and motivation to defend; hence, the frequency of attacks directed toward a candidate should be directly related to the number of defenses produced by that candidate. This study employs four data sets to test this expectation: 23 U.S. general presidential debates, 59 U.S. presidential primary debates, 12 U.S. Senate debates, and 10 non-U.S. debates (France, Israel, Taiwan, and Ukraine). Statistical analysis confirms that there is a significant positive relationship between number of attacks aimed at a candidate and the number of defenses employed by that candidate in all four samples of political campaign debates. Arguably, this form of direct clash between candidates could be particularly beneficial to voters as it provides a deeper understanding of the pros and cons of governmental policy and related issues. 相似文献