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1.
On his first full day in office, President Obama issued a Memorandum on Transparency and Open Government calling on his administration to develop recommendations that would “establish a system of transparency, public participation, and collaboration.” Together, the recommendations would be used to create an “Open Government Directive” instructing agencies to transform themselves to become more transparent, collaborative, and participatory. The President also issued a Memorandum on the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). These statements did not spring ex nihilo from President Obama and his aides (or even from the army of organizations and individuals who advised them or submitted recommendations during the transition). They have a basis in extant law and regulation, and it this basis at which this article looks.  相似文献   

2.
The candidates for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2004 were united in attacking President George W. Bush. Their continued criticism, combined with news stories about such topics as the failure to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and job losses in the United States, steadily eroded the president's image. On February 8, 2004, President Bush appeared on Meet the Press to repair his reputation, exemplifying the problem of how an incumbent president can reply to such attacks while in the midst of a campaign for re-election. This essay applies the theory of image repair to this discourse to critically analyze and evaluate Bush's attempt to repair his image. Bush responded to two key accusations: justification for the war in Iraq and concerns about the economy (including jobs and the deficit). He tried to frame himself as a “war president” (transcendence) who should be evaluated on those grounds but failed to make this the most important problem for most voters. He employed denial, but the support for denials was often weak. He also relied heavily on defeasibility. However, Bush's use of the strategy of defeasibility raises doubts about whether he will be able to solve problems in a second term. Thus, President Bush's image repair effort was largely ineffectual.  相似文献   

3.
Between the years 1855 and 1863, the opinions or “reports” of the United States Court of Claims were delivered to the House of Representatives for final consideration. In total, 296 cases were conveyed, but in the process, Report 42 was lost and, according to indexes of such documents, “never received by [the] House.”This article cites examined records of the Court of Claims, from both the United States Congressional Serial Set and original documents now in the National Archives, which support the contention that there was a completed opinion for Court of Claims Report 42 that was lost sometime during its transfer between the Court and the House.This 150-year-old case – Letitia Humphreys, Administratrix of Andrew Atkinson – was one in a long list of judicial proceedings, involving over 100 claimants, that resulted from the 1812 invasion of Florida by the United States, and that concerned the payment of interest to those compensated under the last clause of the ninth article of the 1819 Treaty of Amity, Settlement, and Limits, Between the United States of America and His Catholic Majesty. These Florida petitions were examples of early claims actions against the federal government, in many cases after decades of inaction.  相似文献   

4.
In response to the Abu Ghraib torture scandal, President Bush delivered an apology that was widely criticized by domestic and international audiences. Nevertheless, the apology succeeded in allowing the President to stop the momentum of negative public opinion following news of the crimes, and to avoid accountability for his role in the crisis. In this essay, I argue that Bush's success stemmed partly from his use of a special subgenre of apologia, simulated atonement. After explaining the strategy in detail, I describe some of the conditions in which it will likely be effective and apply the theory to Bush's statements.  相似文献   

5.
As with the first televised debates in 1960, the 2012 US presidential debates accentuated the importance of nonverbal behavior in political competition, with President Obama receiving widespread criticism for his disengaged and arguably inappropriate communication style in the first debate. To investigate the perceptual impact of such nonverbal expectancy violations, this study first employs an experimental design to examine the consequence of inappropriate leader displays, operationalized as nonverbal behaviors that are incongruent with the rhetorical setting. Theoretical explanations about the evaluative consequences of inappropriate leader displays are described in light of expectancy violations theory. Results of a repeated measures eye-tracking experiment find support for the prediction that inappropriate facial expressions increase visual attention on the source of violation, prompt critical scrutiny, and elicit negative evaluations. These findings are further explored with qualitative analysis of focus group responses to key moments from the first and third presidential debates. The discussion considers the broader implications of nonverbal communication in politics and how expressive leader displays serve as meaningful cues for citizens when making sense of televised political encounters.  相似文献   

6.
In 1946, at the age of 38, Frank Stanton was named President of CBS. While much of Stanton's work as a corporate executive has been chronicled, his accomplishments as one of America's earliest scholars of radio audience measurement remain neglected in media scholarship. This article reviews Stanton's research efforts between 1933 and 1942, and in doing so it places his work within the contexts of contemporaneous social and psychological media inquiry. Discussions of Stanton's methodological approach, his innovative dissertation, his scholarship, and his collaboration with key figures in the history of communication research are informed by primary and secondary sources.  相似文献   

7.
President Reagan's success stems from his use of rhetorical structures characteristic of the oral epics and his use of the electronic media which partially replicate conditions characteristic of preliterate oral societies. These societies develop a culture transmitted orally through epic poems or recitations. Such recitations are developed by themes, formulas, and repetition as well as by distinctive thought patterns, experiential and non‐analytic. Reagan's methods will have a lasting influence on American political discourse, since future politicians will emulate his techniques.  相似文献   

8.
The article discusses the establishment of the Harry S. Truman Library, the initial challenge to the Library staff of processing President Truman's papers, the development of the first museum exhibits, Truman's dedication to teaching young people about American history, the support given to Library programs by the Harry S. Truman Library Institute, the development of Library programs from the 1960s through the early 1990s, and the Library's current focus on planning and building for the future. The importance of the guidance that President Truman provided to his Library during the period 1957 to 1965 is emphasized.  相似文献   

9.

The press in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) is closely tied to its communist sociopolitical structures. The North Korean press finds its modus operandi in the ‘Soviet Communist’ theory for its relationship with its government. This study examines the press laws and regulations in North Korea, pursuing three questions: (1) What is the status of the press as a sociopolitical institution in North Korea?; (2) What is the constitutional and statutory scheme relating to press freedom in North Korea?; and (3) What is the impact of the statutory mechanisms on the press in North Korea?

The press and other mass media in North Korea are totally controlled by the Korean Worker's Party. No dissenting voice is permitted in the news media. North Korea recognizes freedom of the press as a Constitutional right of their citizens. Nevertheless, there is a considerable disparity between the constitutional guarantee of press freedom and its practical application. In the name of ‘collective good’ as defined by President Kim II Sung and his party, the basic right to a free and independent press as understood in its libertarian sense is denied to North Koreans. While there are no separate specialized laws relating to the rights and/or responsibilities of the North Korean press, several indirect press laws are on the books. Nevertheless, it is doubtful whether they have any noticeable bearing upon the functions of the state‐controlled press. The impact of the statutes upon the North Korean press is negligible in that the press does not (or to be precise, need not) feel any statutory constraint. This is because there is no room for conflict between the North Korean press and law enforcement authorities.  相似文献   

10.
President Kennedy perceived a threat to American national security in Communist sponsorship of “wars of national liberation” in developing nations. He responded with a policy of counter‐insurgency, which was to be implemented primarily by the U. S. Army's Special Forces, known as the Green Berets. In order to gain public and Congressional support, pacify the political right wing, and bolster his own flagging public image, Kennedy portrayed the Special Forces as contemporary reincarnations of the mythic frontier hero. His efforts were, in the short run, successful, but they paved the way for later escalation of the war by Lyndon Johnson.  相似文献   

11.
The literature dealing with undecided voters – a growing group of citizens in many democracies that can determine who wins in election campaigns – suggests two very different profiles. The first approach describes undecided voters as being generally uninformed about politics, while the second sees undecideds as sophisticated citizens who follow a campaign closely before making their final voting decision. The current study tries to make sense of this contrast, while examining differences between sophisticated and less sophisticated undecideds (their level of sophistication was based on their political interest and knowledge). Using two panel surveys, conducted before and after the April 2019 elections in Israel (N = 1427; N = 912), we examine a number of hypotheses about differences in terms of the undecided citizens' demographic backgrounds, how they search for political information during the election campaign, how they come to make their final decisions, and whether they ended up voting. The findings indicate that the typical sophisticated undecided voter is a citizen from a more privileged social background, exhibits greater trust in traditional media, consumes more news to follow the campaign (from various traditional news outlets and social media), is more likely to carry out online discussions about the elections, is more likely to base his or her decision on policy issues, is more likely to debate between parties within the same ideological camp (internal floater), and more likely to vote than less sophisticated undecided voters. Our typology, which makes a distinction between sophisticated and less sophisticated undecided voters, as well as these findings (and the comparison to the committed voters), can help political scientists and practitioners widen their understanding regarding this important group of voters in todays' complex political reality.  相似文献   

12.
In From Red Tape to Results, U.S. Vice President Albert Gore established a three-step process for creating service standards for federal agencies. This article presents the second step of this methodology, known as the front-line employee survey. The author administered this survey to staff of Oklahoma government document collections. The employee survey found that the Oklahoma government document employees are essentially satisfied with their positions; yet, improvement may be needed in services offered and in workplace facilities.  相似文献   

13.
This paper contributes to e-government research by presenting a review and discussion on how digitalization of public services has affected the interaction between citizens and government. We argue for a conceptualization and critical reflection on the nature of the underlying interaction between citizens and public officials - the public encounter - that digital public services are developed to support. We apply a qualitative and hermeneutic approach and illustrate that digital public services change public encounters concerning when, where, and how interactions occur, what each actor does, and the skills required of them. By relating these changes to emerging digital technologies (e.g. data mining, machine learning, sensor technology, and service automation), we illustrate that while these new technologies carry the potential to further digitalize service provision and fulfill the democratic goals of digital government, authorities can apply the same technology to restrict, control, and surveil citizens. Based on a critical discussion on what digitalization might entail for society, we identify problem areas arising from this development and propose a research agenda for understanding this phenomenon further. We raise questions and ethical concerns regarding accountability and reskilling of citizens and public officials as public service provision becomes citizen self-service.  相似文献   

14.
The Fifth Amendment right to travel freely abroad notwithstanding, the Supreme Court has upheld on national security grounds a de facto travel ban by which the U.S. government prohibits its citizens to spend money necessary for visiting the island of Cuba unless they receive prior approval from the Treasury Department. However, this article argues that the licensing regime used by Treasury to authorize some academic researchers and news gatherers to report from Cuba probably is unconstitutional. The First Amendment right to publish carries with it the antecedent freedom to gather news and information. The government may limit that freedom only for compelling reasons and only if the restrictions are not based on some constitutionally impermissible criterion or condition. The reason for this is to prevent the government from restricting the flow of information necessary for the American people to make enlightened choices in the democratic process and hold their government in account. Therefore, requiring news gatherers and academic researchers to obtain licenses undermines democratic self-government by placing the government in the position of determining the terms and conditions under which the electorate is informed about a matter of public importance. This article further argues that the criteria used in granting licenses are arbitrarily applied, not reasonably related to the stated goals of the economic embargo of Cuba, and discriminate against some information gatherers according to their employment status and content of their work. Based on this conclusion, the author decided to participate in a legal challenge, in which he and two other academic researchers traveled to Cuba without Treasury licenses in order to test the constitutionality of the regulations. The author’s personal experience is recounted, and the inconclusive outcome of his civil disobedience is reported.  相似文献   

15.
This paper explores the circumstances under which U.S. presidents have invoked American exceptionalism in major speeches and how this concept has culminated in the Obama presidency. We find that U.S. presidents have increased their invocations of American exceptionalism since the Second World War and that they have relied heavily on this concept in times of national crises. Moreover, we demonstrate the overwhelming propensity of President Obama, relative to his predecessors, to emphasize American exceptionalism. We argue that this is due to the double-crisis nature of his presidency – two major wars and a recession – in addition to the racial bind that he has endured throughout his presidency. We reflect on the implications for other minority politicians and the broader American public.  相似文献   

16.
The editor wishes to congratulate Tom Brown on his election as the incoming President of IASSIST. Correspondence regarding this column should be addressed to him at :Administrative Staff, Office of the National Archives, Washington DC 20408]  相似文献   

17.
Kevin Howat was named Senior Vice President, Business Development at WiseBear.com, Inc. in November 1999. Immediately prior to this appointment, he served as Vice President, Business Development & Brand Management at Time Inc. New Media. Mr. Howat was a co-founder of and served as Vice President and Publisher for Simon & Schuster's Macmillan Digital unit, an early publisher of new media titles for consumer reference market. He has also held editorial and marketing management positions with book publishers Thomson and Addison & Wesley. This article is based on a presentation made during the E-Commerce: Developing New Online Businesses for Publishers, a seminar sponsored by the Center for Publishing, New York University, Villa La Pietra, Florence, Italy, February 2–5, 2000.  相似文献   

18.
The Bush Presidential Library and Museum, the tenth Presidential library, will be built on the campus of Texas A&M University between 1995 and 1997 and administered by the National Archives. It will be the archival depository for all of George Bush's Vice-Presidential and Presidential records and memorabilia as well as voluminous personal papers dealing with his life before and after his service in the White House. Every Presidential library undergoes an evolution from a Presidential materials project to a fully functioning facility, and the Bush Library currently is in its earliest period of development. The Bush Presidential Materials Project is systematically processing President Bush's records and museum objects for exhibit when the library opens to the public in 1997. The Bush Library will be the most highly computerized Presidential library to date, with automated systems, including an optical scanner for documents, facilitating archival processing and reference services.  相似文献   

19.
This explanation of the development of E.O. 12356 originally appeared as an appendix to Annual Report to the President FY 1982 (Washington, D.C., 1983) by the Information Security Oversight Office, U.S. General Services Administration, Washington, D.C. 20405.  相似文献   

20.
Zoned Out Courts     
Abstract

A unique American judiciary for the Panama Canal Zone existed in various forms from 1904 to 1982. The following is a bibliographic essay concentrating on the courts as they existed prior to 1914.  相似文献   

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