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1.
This paper presents an analysis of three presidential candidates, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and Ross Perot, who participated in the 1992 presidential debates. The relationships among the three candidates and between each candidate and the issues were examined using semantic network analysis. The results indicate a two-against-one strategy that was issue specific. The candidates teamed up in different pairs, depending on the topic at hand. The results also show the issues that the candidates emphasized most. Specifically, Clinton and Perot had more focused communication consistent with their respective campaign themes of domestic and financial concerns, while Bush did not emphasize any one particular theme. The implications of these differences are discussed, as are the theoretical and practical implications for debater tactics and the strategic use of language for emphasizing political platforms. 相似文献
2.
Kenneth L. Hacker Max Scott Lori Howl Robert Steiner 《Communication Research Reports》2013,30(2):138-146
This article presents a content analysis of three computer‐mediated communication (CMC) networks used for political discussion during the 1992 Presidential election campaign. Data indicate that the main use of computer networks in the campaign was to assert personal opinions about the candidates, issues, and the election. Other uses were talking about one's own life and experiences, telling others what they should be doing, and posting information for others to read. Significant differences were found between the three campaigns for uses of these computer networks. The Clinton network was used more than the other two for posting information. The Perot network was used more than the others for asserting opinions. This study indicates that voters have specific functions for the use of computer networks as new channels of political communication. Future research should examine what groups of voters use these networks the most and how such use affects candidate image formation. Suggestions are offered for the study of campaign computer lists in the upcoming presidential election of 1996. 相似文献
3.
Jungsub Shin 《亚洲交流杂志》2017,27(3):233-249
Which issues do political parties emphasize in campaigns? Selecting the issues to emphasize in campaigns is treated with the same importance as policy positioning. Nevertheless, little attention has been paid to understanding parties’ strategies of issue competition in presidential elections under multiparty systems. By analyzing statements of presidential candidates in the 2002, 2007, and 2012 Korean presidential debates, we find that presidential candidates use their issue emphasis strategies differently in presidential elections according to party size and ideological relationships with other parties. Specifically, a small party’s candidates have been more likely than mainstream parties’ candidates to pursue their issue ownership advantage. In addition, a mainstream party’s candidates have emphasized the issues of a small party more than those of his own party when the two parties have had a similar ideological foundation, whereas, when there were no such ideological similarities, a mainstream party’s candidate has only focused on issues of the mainstream party. Our results imply that the political communication used by political parties and candidates is conditioned not only by political contexts such as electoral systems or party systems but also by the size and ideology of parties. 相似文献
4.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(3):259-273
Research on the effects of watching presidential debates tends to show that these messages can foster learning about the candidates' issue positions and influence voters' impressions of the candidates. This study uses a pretest/posttest design to assess more subtle effects of watching a 2000 presidential debate on attitudes and vote intention. Leadership and overall policy stance became more important factors in vote choice after watching the debate. Specific groups of issues also became more important in vote choice. Viewers reacted to the candidates differentially: Bush enhanced perceptions of his character (but not of his policy positions), while Gore improved perceptions of his policy positions (but not of his character). The data also reveal that the debates increased the confidence of vote choices for those who did not change their preferred candidate over the course of this study (which could make them more likely to vote on election day and/or less likely to change their vote choice). This study demonstrates a variety of potentially important effects of watching presidential debates. 相似文献
5.
For from being inevitable, as it may now appear, Clinton's victoryover Bush in the 1992 U.S. presidential election required aconfluence of several largely unforeseen developments. For one,though the U.S. economy was recovering, sluggishly, in late1991 and then more robustly in the election year itself, deeppublic pessimism about the economy's status developed nonetheless,leading to a vague but highly insistent call to ‘Do something!’In addition, the independent candidacy of Ross Perot becameespecially injurious to the Bush campaign, because theTexasbillionaire's attacks on the President appeared so disinterested.Perot cut deeply into the political and attitudinal groups thatin recent elections have been giving generally strong supportto Republican nominees. Despite these and other developmentswhich led to Bush's defeat just 20 months after he had appeareddominant politically, however, the underlying political alignmentof policy and social groups changed little in 1992. 相似文献
6.
Kevin J. Calderwood 《Communication Studies》2019,70(2):235-252
According to NASA (2018), 17 of the 18 hottest years on record have occurred since 2000. In an effort to better understand the political communication of American leaders surrounding this environmental exigency, I systematically examined invocations of climate change in the spoken communications of presidents George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama. I identified three discursive approaches that were likely to appear in these communications: a general environmental emphasis, foregrounding, and sidestepping. Results from a content analysis showed these presidents were most likely to employ foregrounding, with a focus on the economy. Democrats were more likely to employ a general environmental emphasis, while the Republicans were more likely to sidestep the issue of climate change. In addition, presidents were more likely to emphasize national security as time passed. Implications are discussed for public understanding about climate change and future policy when presidents focus on economic matters and national security. 相似文献
7.
Do presidential candidates adapt their spot messages to the public's interests? This study conducts a computer content analysis of the texts of presidential television spots from 1952–2000. Public opinion poll data on the most important issues for voters, in each campaign, are used to structure the searches. The extent to which candidate spot messages conform to the public issue agenda is determined. Democrats’ and challengers’ spot messages are significantly more aligned with the public policy priorities than Republicans or incumbents. There is no significant difference between the correlations for winners versus losers. Finally, in 5 of the 13 elections there is a significant relationship between the issues covered by the two candidates. Clearly, some candidates are better at adapting their television messages to voters and in some elections the candidates tend to discuss the same policy issues. 相似文献
8.
This study has explored the US and Korean newspapers' election coverage in regard to their respective nations' female candidates relative to male rivals during the 2007–2008 presidential nomination campaigns. The findings reveal that both US and Korean newspapers displayed no bias in adopting personal, issue, and viability frames to cover the female candidates versus the male candidates. Additionally, the US dailies gave Clinton as much attention as Obama, as can be seen in the similar amount of articles, headlines, and primary coverage; however, Park, the female candidate in Korea, garnered a lower amount of articles and headlines, and was featured much less as the primary focus when compared to Lee, her male rival, in the Korean dailies. Evidence of biased coverage in the USA is found in the slant of coverage Clinton received. The overall tone of campaign coverage was less positive toward Clinton. While there was no tonal difference between Park and Lee in overall stories and headlines, the tone of Park's viability coverage was less positive than that of Lee, indicating that she was less likely to be the elected nominee for the party. 相似文献
9.
《Mass Communication and Society》2013,16(1):21-44
Political candidates have responded to the public's desire to use the Internet as an interactive information source by creating their own online presence. This study is a content analysis of the Web sites and blogs of the 10 Americans vying to be the Democratic candidate for the 2004 presidential election. Focusing on interactivity, data indicated front pages hyperlink to participation areas such as Donation or Volunteer sections and rarely linked to external content. Blogs used hyperlinks at a rate less than Web sites. Interactivity was encouraged through text, as 83.7% of Web sites asked voters to become more involved. Blog posts discussed issues and attacked the opponents, including President Bush. For the most part, blog posts were personal in nature and used direct address. The tactical use of advanced Web site features showed a technological progression of political campaigning and an overall increase in interactivity through technology and text. 相似文献
10.
Political candidates increasingly use social media to tell their stories, share their thoughts and feelings and chronicle an unfolding election. We argue that the concept of identification—the process through which an audience member cognitively assumes the perspective of a media personality—can help illuminate how online campaigns can increase citizen support. This study employed a two-wave survey with a U.S. national sample conducted prior to the 2016 presidential election. Results of our analysis support our expectations that following Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump on social media leads to increased identification with that candidate, which then affects candidate support. 相似文献
11.
Moy Patricia; Xenos Michael A.; Hess Verena K. 《Int. Journal of Public Opinion Research》2006,18(2):198-210
Having become fully integrated into the contemporary politicallandscape, infotainment-oriented media extend Americans’traditional news (e.g. newspaper, radio, and television) toinclude a greater number of sources for political information,and in some cases, political mobilization. Given the increasingprominence of infotainment-oriented media in contemporary politics,this study addresses the effects of one particular type of infotainment—late-nightcomedy—during the 2000 presidential campaign. Specifically,we are interested in whether watching late-night comedy showsinfluences viewers’ evaluations of the candidates whohave appeared on these shows; in particular, we investigatepriming as the mechanism by which such influences occur. Findingsfrom the 2000 National Annenberg Election Survey (N = 11,482)indicate that evaluations of candidates are based in part onrespondents’ sociodemographics, perceptions of candidatesto handle certain issues, and their character traits. Therewas a main effect of watching late-night comedy on evaluationsof candidates; more importantly, viewers were more likely thannonviewers to base their evaluations of George W. Bush on charactertraits after he appeared on The Late Show with David Letterman. 相似文献
12.
The televised debates in the 2016 presidential election took place between two controversial candidates, Hillary Clinton and her opponent, Donald Trump, who faced a deeply divided electorate of highly opinioned voters that had already decided on their supported candidates. How did viewing the debates influence them? Would the debates reinforce their existing opinion, or provide them with useful information about the candidates? Drawing on Davison’s third-person effect hypothesis, this study aims to shed light on the question of how viewing the debates influences voters relative to others in the era of social media. The study focuses on the need for orientation as a predictor of debate exposure and the behavioral consequences of debate exposure for electoral engagement on social media. Findings show that partisans are not impacted by viewing the debates, but respondents perceived Independents to be most vulnerable. Further, need for orientation moderated the relationship between debate exposure and perceived effects of the debates on self, which prompted respondents to mobilize support for the candidate of their choice and to vote for their supported candidates. 相似文献
13.
《Communication monographs》2012,79(2):141-153
This essay explores the rhetorical implications of presidential travel spectacles. A form of political illusionism, travel spectacles enable administrations to marginalize verbal eloquence, visually simplify complex political issues, narratively interpret presidential agendas, synoptically reify presidential personae, and construct or mystify political realities. Discussed are implications of political illusionism for the presidency, citizenry, and rhetorical critic. 相似文献
14.
Craig O. Stewart 《Communication Research Reports》2020,37(1-2):11-21
ABSTRACTThis study analyzed the tone of public campaign remarks of right- and left-wing populist (Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders, respectively) and right and left-wing non-populist (Mitt Romney and Hillary Clinton, respectively) U.S. presidential candidates using DICTION 7.0. Findings suggest that populists tended to use a linguistic tone that is high in pessimism, group abstractness, and exclusion. Pessimism and group abstractness were positively associated with immigration language in right-wing populist speech. Commonality and “we-ness” were positively associated with populist language in left-wing populist speech. 相似文献
15.
Michael Pfau 《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2013,41(2):99-101
This study examined issue learning outcomes in three intra‐party political debates during the 1984 campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination. The results indicated that intra‐party political debates produce significant viewer learning (1) about the issue positions of each participating candidate, (2) about most issues, and (3) among all categories of viewers. In addition, the study found that intra‐party political debates produce distinct outcomes, including: variation in learning between debates about candidate positions on particular issues; significant increases in learning about the positions of the Democratic candidates on the part of Democratic, Republican, and nonaffiliated viewers; and a negative effect on viewer knowledge about nonparticipating incumbent Ronald Reagan's positions on the issues. 相似文献
16.
This research examines how TV reported the campaign and the candidates during Taiwan's first‐ever presidential election in 1996. A content analysis of evening news coverage of six TV stations indicated that the state‐owned broadcast TV stations were far more likely than the privately owned cable TV stations to give a greater amount of coverage and soundbites to the ruling party presidential and vice presidential candidates, using the ruling party officials as principal news sources. The TV Stations’ coverage also contained more news favourable to the ruling party candidates than to other candidates. The future may well see a turning point in TV election coverage as well as in general news coverage in Taiwan. The three state‐owned broadcast TV stations face competition from privately owned cable TV stations and may soon be confronted with the loss of public trust and audience, unless they can provide fair and balanced news free from government control. 相似文献
17.
《The Reference Librarian》2013,54(41-42):109-126
During the course of the 1992 United States Presidential campaign, electronic discussion lists were established on Bitnet which allowed "subscribers" to openly discuss issues relevant to each candidate's campaign. A discussion list was formed for each of the three candidates. In the summer of 1992, the Clinton and Bush campaigns began posting full-text documents (speeches, interviews, platform positions, etc.) to each respective list on Bitnet, making available information that was almost nonexistent in any other format to faculty and students at Texas Woman's University. It was soon discovered that these documents were available elsewhere, but only through the Internet, and they were readily accessible for the taking. Organizations such as the federally sponsored Hermes Project and the National Public Telecmuting Network (NPTN) also provided access to these documents. The reference department at TWU soon took advantage of this information, and with the realization that most of the university community was still alien to electronic file transfer and Bitnet discussion lists, decided to make these documents available in a more traditional manner by retrieving them either through the discussion list or through one if the their organizations providing campaign documents via the Intemet. This article documents the reference department as an instrumental part in using the IInternet in the acquisistion of these campaign documents both before and after the November election for use by faculty and students, as well as members of the city Denton, Texas. 相似文献
18.
This study applied the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse to the 2002 Korean presidential debates. These messages stressed acclaims (positive statements) more than attacks; defenses were the least common function. Policy (issues) occurred more frequently than character (image). General goals and ideals were used more to acclaim than attack. The incumbent party candidate acclaimed more and attacked less than challenger party candidates (and acclaimed more and attacked less on past deeds in particular). The most common form of defense was simple denial. These results were contrasted with the most recent American presidential debates to reveal similarities and differences between presidential debates in these two cultures. 相似文献
19.
William L. Benoit 《Journal of Applied Communication Research》2013,41(3):285-306
The candidates for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2004 were united in attacking President George W. Bush. Their continued criticism, combined with news stories about such topics as the failure to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq and job losses in the United States, steadily eroded the president's image. On February 8, 2004, President Bush appeared on Meet the Press to repair his reputation, exemplifying the problem of how an incumbent president can reply to such attacks while in the midst of a campaign for re-election. This essay applies the theory of image repair to this discourse to critically analyze and evaluate Bush's attempt to repair his image. Bush responded to two key accusations: justification for the war in Iraq and concerns about the economy (including jobs and the deficit). He tried to frame himself as a “war president” (transcendence) who should be evaluated on those grounds but failed to make this the most important problem for most voters. He employed denial, but the support for denials was often weak. He also relied heavily on defeasibility. However, Bush's use of the strategy of defeasibility raises doubts about whether he will be able to solve problems in a second term. Thus, President Bush's image repair effort was largely ineffectual. 相似文献
20.
Presidential candidates rely on political television spots to communicate their messages to voters, and the language used in spots conveys the verbal style of the candidate. This analysis of 1267 presidential spot units from 1952 through 1996 uses computerized content analysis to identify the presence of verbal style previously identified by Roderick Hart: optimism, realism, activity, and certainty. Findings show different patterns for different presidential candidates, but overall trends suggest that optimism, realism, and certainty has been decreasing. Differences in verbal style for political parties, incumbents and challengers, and winners and losers are also explored. 相似文献