共查询到20条相似文献，搜索用时 125 毫秒
1.
Anthony Y.H. Fung 《亚洲交流杂志》2013,23(2):18-46
Political groups have long existed in Hong Kong since 1949. The ‘consultative government’ was hostile towards groups which were critical of government policies. Before the 1980s, in a minimally‐integrated media‐political system, mass media, in compliance with the government served to undermine their legitimacy. Party politics and political parties were framed as ‘dirty polities’. However, the move towards a representative government since the 1980s in face of the power transfer to China, together with the 4 June incident, have transformed the public's stance towards the newly established democratic groups. In response to the changing public opinion, the media started in the late 1980s to give consent to the emergence of party politics in the democratic system. In the first direct Legislative Council in 1991, mass media ‘incorporated’ party politics as part the local political system. 相似文献
2.
民主社会中,公共决策离不开广大民众的参与,虽然体制内配置了公民参与公共决策的途径,但若没有大众传媒的参与,公共决策的科学性、合法性也很难成立。基于此,我们从大众传媒与公共决策中公民参与的实体性权利和程序性权利的实现两个方面,分析得出大众媒介提供了政策系统中各种利益吁求的表达和聚合的公共平台,而这个公共平台落实了公民的表达自由;若没有大众传媒对相关信息的报道与披露,知情权的实现只能说是残缺的、不彻底的。另外,公民有权接近和利用大众传媒表达自己的观点和意见,而大众传媒有责任和义务帮助公民信息传递的实现。 相似文献
3.
This paper identifies the significant ethical challenges expressed by journalists and editors working in media companies in the city of Hyderabad, India. Keeping those dilemmas and challenges in mind, the authors propose economist and Noble laureate Amartya Sen’s capabilities approach as a theoretical outline for the development of future journalism ethics curricula. The major challenges described by the journalists and editors were cross-media ownership, which fosters a political economy focused on revenue generation rather than journalism for public good; problems with the publication of inaccurate information, which are now precipitated by the omnipresence of social media; and a culture of “democratic deficit” where journalists find it increasingly difficult to practice journalism safely and to report about poverty, corruption, crime, environment, caste, and gender. The specific knowledge systems from Sen’s capabilities approach suggested for integration are the study and coverage of injustices in a democratic society; the focus on whether people have flourishing lives that give them the opportunities, freedoms, and choices they need; and economic and political freedoms that give journalists an understanding and appreciation for reporting on inequality and strengthening democratic institutions. 相似文献
4.
疫情防控阻击战,也是一场舆论战、信心战、信息战。面对突发公共卫生事件,主流媒体如何扛起责任与担当考验着媒体人。特别是作为主流媒体的党报、党台、党网,怎样适应公众获取信息渠道的变化,加快提升主流媒体网上传播能力,本文结合抗疫报道中媒体的成功案例进行了一些探索。就"主流媒体怎样主动作为,影响新媒体?主流媒体中的新媒体怎样充分发挥自身优势,影响自媒体?媒体怎样正视存在问题,回应群众关切,让真相走在谣言前面?"等进行了分析研究,提出了自己的见解。 相似文献
5.
Sangwon Lee 《亚洲交流杂志》2019,29(2):111-127
This study sheds light on the recent use of social media for protests, with the 2016 South Korean candle light vigils as the case study. An extensive amount of literature has explored social media’s potential for informing and mobilizing the public to engage in protest activities. Previous research has mainly focused on the direct effect of social media on protest engagement. Moving beyond the direct effect, this paper sought a better understanding of social media’s role in the democratic process by examining how social media affects political knowledge and protest participation, depending on an individual’s political interest level. To test these relationships, this study used survey data collected in South Korea during the mass candlelight vigils in South Korea in 2016 (N?=?922). Findings suggest that the knowledge gap narrowed amongst those with high social media use, mainly due to a greater knowledge drop for those with high political interest. On the other hand, when it comes to participation, the participation gap widened amongst those with high social media use, largely due to a greater increase in participation for those with high political interest. Implications and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
6.
Tony Harcup 《Journalism Practice》2016,10(6):680-696
Alternative forms of journalism are said to challenge the passive role of audience members as receivers and to foster active citizenship among alternative journalists and audiences. Yet the scholarly literature on alternative journalism contains more assertions about than evidence from the audience. Downing has described the audience for alternative media as “the virtually unknown”, prompting him to urge journalism scholars to undertake more audience research to help increase our understanding of this allegedly active and civic-minded public. This exploratory study of the people who regularly read a contemporary example of alternative journalism—an investigative local blog covering one UK city—is intended to contribute towards filling the gap identified by Downing. Audience views are explored by means of questionnaires and focus groups, providing some evidence that individuals are attracted to alternative journalism by their dissatisfaction with mainstream media; that they see alternative media as helping them make sense of the world; and that, to an extent, engaging with such media is both a prompt to, and a reflection of, readers’ democratic engagement as citizens. Recognising the limitations of this small study, the article concludes by reiterating Downing's call for further research. 相似文献
7.
《Journal of Radio & Audio Media》2013,20(2):257-259
When Rush Limbaugh made his now famous remarks about Sandra Fluke's Congressional testimony he set off a social media firestorm. The ensuing backlash cost Limbaugh many prominent advertisers and damaged his public image. In this study, we examine the characteristics that motivated some to engage in the social media conversation while others remained on the sidelines. We find that political information efficacy, or confidence that one has the knowledge and skills necessary to participate, dictate political engagement online. We discuss the implications of this finding for radio, communication and media scholars, and healthy democratic deliberation among young Americans. 相似文献
8.
Jason T. Peifer 《Communication methods and measures》2018,12(1):55-79
This study features the development and validation of a multidimensional scale for Perceived News Media Importance (PNMI), a concept pertaining to how much individuals personally value normative functions of political/public affairs journalism. Comprised of six different dimensions that represent the weight of what citizens deem to be desirable about news work, the PNMI concept exhibits the capacity to strengthen scholarly explanations about the public’s perceptions of the news media and related democratic outcomes. More specifically this research, which employs three data sets, is designed to (1) explicate the PNMI concept, (2) develop and validate a PNMI scale, (3) and explore PNMI’s predictive value relative to news media use and support for freedom of the press. Evidence of validity is confirmed with media trust, political media use, political interest, and ideology. Furthermore, PNMI is shown to be predictive of (a) mainstream and social media-based news use, as conditioned by perceptions of the press satisfactory performing normative functions, and (b) support for press freedoms. While the hypothesized PNMI model (as a higher order latent construct with six lower order dimensions) exhibits a sound model fit, a combined data set (total N=912) reveals that PNMI could also be treated as a multi-factor, lower-order latent construct. 相似文献
9.
Lotta Lounasmeri 《Journalism Practice》2017,11(10):1302-1318
When societal elites seem to be in consensus about a political issue, journalism traditionally takes on a more conservative role in organising public discussion. For an issue to become controversial in mainstream media, a crisis of some kind is often needed, followed by lack of consensus among the different elites. This article uses coverage of globalisation in Finland’s most influential newspaper to see if the theory of the spheres of public discussion can be applied to a particular journalistic culture. The model is used to see how media treat elite and non-elite actors who wish to participate in public discussion. In order to draw conclusions about how the media operate regarding giving voice to dissent or upholding the status quo in society, it is necessary to take into account the historical and social context of the relationship between a country’s media and the state. 相似文献
10.
Mike Gruszczynski 《Mass Communication and Society》2017,20(3):378-402
Although the theory of agenda-setting is a pillar of political communication research, understanding the dynamics of public attention remains an important challenge as the communication system becomes increasingly fragmented. The development of ideologically oriented niche media and the ability of the mainstream media to carefully track the interests of their audience suggest that both public interest and niche media attention to an issue could affect the mainstream media’s agenda itself. We develop and test the theory of agenda-uptake to isolate when mainstream media influences both public and niche media attention to issues and when public interest and niche media attention influence the mainstream media to cover an issue. Analyzing mainstream and niche media coverage along with Google Trends individual search data for 4 issues in 2008, we provide evidence that the dynamics of agenda-uptake are crucial to understanding the character and content of the information environment in the 21st century. 相似文献
11.
John W. Higgins 《广播与电子媒介杂志》2013,57(4):624-644
The vision of empowerment espoused by the community television movement is explored through an interpretive study of producers at a public access cable television facility. The findings address media literacy, the dialectical nature of societal change, and critical pedagogist Paulo Freire's taxonomy of social action. The findings suggest that the application of advanced media technologies to more democratic purposes is possible with a focus on the critical use of the technological tools for social change. 相似文献
12.
Anthony Cawley 《Media History》2013,19(2):219-237
As, historically, has been common with newly emergent media, the World Wide Web in the mid-1990s was greeted with a discourse of revolutionary impacts, premised on a technological logic of development. In the case of news, the Web was expected to drive a more democratic, transparent and accountable journalism. This article argues that the application of a strong historical perspective to scholarship on online news is necessary to gauge the depth of any changes from and the strength of continuity with print and broadcast news. It examines the historical development of mass media and of journalism in the context of industrial capitalism to trace the emergence of the ‘news ecology’ that permeates print, broadcast and, now, online media. It examines this through a sample of websites maintained by Irish national and local newspapers, and the country's public service broadcaster, between 1994 and 2010. 相似文献
13.
Rafi Mann 《Media History》2013,19(2):169-181
The article discusses the political and public debates in Israel over the appropriateness of a military radio station in a democratic state. The Israeli station was established in 1950 to assist the defense forces in absorbing and educating new Jewish immigrants, but later developed to become one of Israel's major media outlets. Previously unstudied documents reveal that the initiative to launch the station was met with criticism from its early stages; concerns about letting the army run a radio station without public oversight have been raised repeatedly ever since. This research project illustrates the benefits of media historiography as an effective prism for studying wider aspects of societies in which various media organizations operate. It adds, as well, to the historiography of military radio stations around the world. 相似文献
14.
JoEllen Fisherkeller 《The Communication Review》2013,16(3):187-212
Using media education and cultural studies perspectives, I analyze ethnographic data gathered among diverse twelve and thirteen‐year‐olds who live in New York City. Three case studies show that individual interpretations of favorite TV figures, understood in relation to lived experiences, indicate tacit learning about dialectical issues of identity and social power relations. The dynamics of this learning challenges media educators to account for and address students’ actual cultural experiences of identity and social power in association with their media experiences. In addition, these young people's TV interpretations point to their learning about participation in corporate media culture via the system of image and message construction—a powerful means of success in the United States. Thus media educators must confront their students’ dreams and expectations about succeeding in capitalist terms, while encouraging their criticisms in a democratic spirit. 相似文献
15.
以人为本、信息自由、民主平等、和谐发展——《图书馆服务宣言》核心精神之阐释 总被引：1，自引：0，他引：1
我国图书馆界正处在“新学”与“旧学”的激烈思想碰撞和“公益”与“私利”的剧烈观念冲突的时刻。《图书馆服务宣言》作为一份行业承诺,向社会表达了图书馆的精神与核心价值。《图书馆服务宣言》的发表具有时代意义,她的核心思想是以人为本、追求信息自由和民主平等,充分体现了社会公平与和谐发展的时代理念。 相似文献
16.
国外对于传媒与政治信任的关系有不少重要的研究,其研究的焦点集中在传媒是否对公众的政治信任有负面影响上,不少学者持"媒体抑郁论"的观点。但这种观点不断被检验,研究者发现不同传媒变量对不同层次政治信任的影响各不相同。国内在传媒与政治信任方面的研究比较缺乏。该领域的研究可以考虑综合运用质化、量化的研究方法、关注新媒体与政治信任之关系,以及探讨中国传媒与政治信任的关系。 相似文献
17.
《Journal of Government Information》2000,27(4):455-469
In most countries, a key figure in the provision of public information at the central government level is the government information officer (GIO). These individuals may be known as spokespersons, press officers, press attachés, public affairs officers, or public information officers. A GIO contributes to public understanding of government policies and raises awareness of the roles of decision makers and purview of state institutions, the availability of social services, noteworthy trends, and risks to public health and safety. In Central and Eastern Europe, a GIO's responsibilities typically include: monitoring media coverage of public affairs; briefing and advising political officials; managing media relations; providing information directly to the public; sharing information across the administration; formulating communication strategies and campaigns; and researching and assessing public opinion. Because of the region's communist heritage, GIOs in Central and Eastern Europe confront a number of special challenges, starting with poorly performing public administrations. Other problems include immature media, secrecy and political influence, and a lack of training and skills. However, as democratic, market, and media practices in Central and Eastern Europe come to resemble those in Western Europe, the activities and attitudes of GIOs in the former region are becoming more like their counterparts in the latter. 相似文献
18.
作为当今世界上连续执政时间最长的社会民主党,瑞典社会民主党提出并践行保证新闻多元化的理念。多年以来,该党既通过立法实施报刊津贴制度大力促进媒体外部多元,又通过发展公共服务广播电视和宽容党内批评意见等方式保障媒体内部多元,努力促进党内外的舆论多元,从而使瑞典的新闻自由长期稳居世界前列。 相似文献
19.
The WTO protests in Seattle witnessed the emergence of an international citizens' movement for democratic globalization. With the tactical exploitation of television, the internet, and other technologies, Seattle also witnessed the enactment of forms of activism adapted to a wired society. In the wake of Seattle, this essay introduces the “public screen” as a necessary supplement to the metaphor of the public sphere for understanding today's political scene. While a public sphere orientation inevitably finds contemporary discourse wanting, viewing such discourse through the prism of the public screen provokes a consideration of new forms of participatory democracy. In comparison to the public sphere's privileging of rationality, embodied conversations, consensus, and civility, the public screen highlights dissemination, images, hypermediacy, publicity, distraction, and dissent. Using the Seattle WTO protests as a case study and focusing on the dynamic of violence and the media, we argue that the public screen accounts for technological and cultural changes while enabling a charting of the new conditions for rhetoric, politics, and activism. 相似文献
20.
基于共现分析的网络议程设置研究从认知心理学的角度出发,分析媒体议程与公众议程网络,更加贴近回答李普曼所说的“我们脑海中的图景”,但该方法只能体现议程网络中关键词间的显性关系。本文提出通过基于上下文语义的word2vec模型,测度网络议程设置中关键词隐性关系的研究方法。以“红黄蓝事件”为例,揭示党媒、都市类媒体、商业媒体、知乎意见领袖以及公众的议程网络及其相似度。研究发现,知乎意见领袖对公众议程的影响程度最大,其议程主要是对事件背后因果关系的梳理以及对策建议的提供。在媒体方面,党媒和都市类媒体报道基本一致,且二者对公众的影响均高于商业媒体。本研究是对现有网络议程设置研究的补充,对议程设置的本土化研究有一定的启示。 相似文献